Interview: Sharmin Ahmad
Awami League leadership must seek forgiveness from the nation
Sharmin Ahmad is a writer, researcher and daughter of Bangladesh's first prime minister Tajuddin Ahmad. In context of the Jail Killing Day on 3 November, she talks in an interview with Prothom Alo's Sohrab Hassan and Monoj Dey about the 1971 liberation war, the 15-year rule of Awami League, and the political change in Bangladesh brought about by the student-people's uprising.
Your book 'Tajuddin Ahmad: Neta o Pita' ('Tajuddin Ahmad: Leader and Father') has been widely discussed. The book brings many unknown facts to light. The Awami League government's cabinet reportedly even discussed the book. How did the government at the time react to the book?
Sharmin Ahmad: In reaction to the book, there were all sorts of soft power play. Intelligence agency people turned up during a discussion on the book at Chittagong Press Club. The discussants were the Chattogram mayor at the time, Mohiuddin Chowdhury, and myself. The intelligence people began to question me. One of them asked, "You were only 11 years old at the time, how do you know all this?" I replied, "Did you see the French Revolution or the Battle of Plassey?" He replied, "No." I said, "So how do we know about that history? We get to know about such history from the books and publications of those times, from interviews and other documentation." That silenced them. But that wasn't the end. Later when we went to dinner, Chattogram DGFI and NSI men turned up there too.
3 November marks Jail Killing Day. On this day in 1975 the killers entered the jail and killed the four national leaders. Those killings have been tried. But do you think the four national leaders have been duly honoured?
Sharmin Ahmad: I feel that if the trial had been proper, then they would have been truly honoured. The High Court passed the verdict in 2008. Prior to that, many had been released during the BNP rule. For example, the list of suspects included KM Obaidur Rahman, Shah Moazzem Hossain, Nurul Islam Manzur and Taheruddin Thakur. I have read the interviews of many of the army men who were given life sentences for this killing. They said, "We were on the list of suspects too." The political leaders who were on the list of suspects were freed, but the army officers were sentenced to life. They contend that this was discrimination. The matter of those who were sentenced to death is very interesting too. Three non-commissioned officers were given death sentence -- Risaldar Moslem Uddin, Dafadar Marfat Ali Shah and Dafadar Abul Hashem Mridha. Then when the appeal ruling was passed, the two other than Moslem Uddin were dropped. But we have no idea where Moslem Uddin is, whether he is alive. That means there remains questions about those who remain fugitives, where they are, whether even their names are genuine. They wrote down these names as they entered the jail gate. But there was no inquiry into whether those names were even true.
Do you think the jail killing trial was not carried out properly?
Sharmin Ahmad: The actual conspirators behind the jail killing, those who were behind the triggers, have all been unconditionally acquitted. I think the jail killing trial should be revived in the interests of justice.
Another question must be raised in this context. Majed, who was involved in the Bangabandhu and jail killing, had spent 20 years in India. He returned to Bangladesh and was arrested. He was then hanged after being taken on remand for seven days. But his statements during interrogation were never revealed. It is said that Majed had been in India. But wouldn't the Indian intelligence know if he has been there? We have the right to know the testimony given by Majed during interrogation.
You approached the government with a three-point demand, including that the 3 November jail killing be commemorated on a state level. Why did you make this demand?
Sharmin Ahmad: We do not want a national holiday, we do not want to wear black clothes, all we want is state recognition of 3 November. Let the day be discussed in schools, colleges, universities. The new generation can learn about the lives and deeds of the national leaders. This will give a sense of national pride. The war-time prime minister would wash his own clothes, dry them and wear them the next day. Which other prime minister of Bangladesh would do this? He had no family life during the war. He would say, "I am the leader of the freedom fighters. They are not with their families."
You come from an entirely political family. Tajuddin Ahmad was Bangladesh's first prime minister. After 1975, your mother Zohra Tajuddin led Awami League in those difficult times. Your sister Simeen Hossain Rimi and brother Sohel Taj were state ministers. What are your thoughts about politics now?
Sharmin Ahmad: For the last 15 and a half years I was in a space completely void of democracy. There is a lot of unrest at present. I would say our liberation war had been hijacked from way back in 1972. Bangladesh was created in a spirit of revolution. Yet 101,000 freedom fighters (the newspapers quoted war-time leader Tajuddin Ahmad on this figure) were made to surrender their arms and then were sent home. In place, 300,000 fake freedom fighters were made and the arms remained with members of the Mujib Bahini. That was the start of the divide. The liberation war government didn't even recognise Mujib Bahini. Then we saw the rehabilitation of the likes of Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed.
The liberation war government had plans of forming a national militia. They would be given freedom fighter certificates. Rather than taking their arms and sending them home, Tajuddin Ahmad had planned to involve them in state restructure. The thing is, simply forming a political party does not mean politics. Politics requires farsightedness.
It was with an absolutely pure spirit that the July-August student-people's uprising took place. Everyone wanted change. After I returned to the country, I visited some of the wounded in the hospitals. Most of them were not involved in any party. They saw wrongdoings and took to the streets in protest. They had to go through unspeakable struggles for a mere livelihood, yet they were told to live on jackfruit. And meanwhile, 17 billion dollars (1,700 crore dollars) had been siphoned out of the country.
How do you see the present politics in the country?
Sharmin Ahmad: The basic objective of politics is definitely to go to power. Unless you are in power, you cannot implement policies. But the question is whether power is for greed, so I can make more money too, so I can rehabilitate my friends and family. Or is it to resolve the problems of the millions of poor people, address their unemployment, their livelihood crisis? This calls for a national unity. Those presently in government must understand there will be different views in society. Everyone must be heard. That does not mean we will revert to any autocratic system as in the past. Your point of view may differ from mine, but we must have consensus on certain issues -- we will not give indulgence to corruption, the electoral system must be strengthened, the judiciary must be totally separated from the executive.
You visited the hospitals to meet those who were injured in the student-people's uprising. How did you feel?
Sharmin Ahmad: Most of those still languishing in hospital are common working people, some with over a hundred bullets in their bodies, in their spines, in their bones. I went to CRP and listened to their pain. This was truly a mass revolution. We must be alert so that no greedy political party can reap the harvest of this revolution in their own interests. The government must give priority to recognise these working people. After all, they carried the revolutionary spirit of the mass uprising in their bodies. If they are given recognition, if they are honoured, then the political parties too will follow the path of democracy. We made this mistake once after the independence of the country.
Awami League leaders and activists who still have a conscience should protest and draw a line, clearly delineating Hasina League from Awami League
How do you view the previous government's destruction of democracy, electoral process and institutions, violation of human rights, enforced disappearances, killings and extreme corruption?
Sharmin Ahmad: Was that Awami League's rule or Sheikh Hasina's rule? That was in all senses the rule of a family league. When I think of Awami League, I think of Maulana Bhasani, Shamsul Huq. I think of my father Tajuddin Ahmad. I even think of the pre-1971 Bangabandhu. They were representatives of the common people. But Awami League was hijacked by a family. It became a dynastic rule. They just used the Awami League banner.
That is why I think that the Awami League leaders and activists who still have a conscience should protest and draw a line, clearly delineating Hasina League from Awami League. Only then will Awami League have political prospects. It is Awami League leaders and activists who must protest against the massive corruption that happened during the Awami League rule. If they are intelligent, if they really love Awami League, then they must say that there will be no criminals in their party. Sheikh Hasina and her cronies were all criminals. They must be placed on trial. Why should only people outside the party make this demand? Why should this demand not come from within Awami League too?
The government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus which was formed through the student-people's uprising, is now 83 days old. Have they been able to meet the people's aspirations?
Sharmin Ahmad: Everyone is saying they see no visible difference. The youth are saying this, the rickshaw-pullers are saying this. The price of commodities must certainly be brought down. People must be saved from the syndicates. Public support comes if the public's stomachs are filled. Those involved in the uprising had a revolutionary zeal. They must be involved in every sector. It is the leadership of the youth that can bring about positive political change in the country.
Regular contact must be maintained with those who were injured, the families of those who were killed. They must be rehabilitated socially and economically.
The government has taken all sorts of initiatives...
Sharmin Ahmad: Not enough. My son has an organisation. They ran a survey on 500 injured persons in Dhaka Medical College Hospital, Suhrawardy Hospital and other hospitals. Their findings reveal that 85 per cent of the injured are not involved in any party. Why did they join the movement? There is a boy Zahirullah of Sunamganj. He has a plastic goods shop and is newly married. He is suffering in hospital with bullet injuries. Zahirullah told me he took to the streets when he saw Mugdha was going around offering people water and was killed. This fearlessness in the face of death comes only once in a century of a nation's history. A person is victorious the moment he is not scared of dying. We must honour these people. If you ask me, this is our politics.
What should Awami League do now as a political party? Shouldn't they ask for forgiveness for their past deeds before they embark on a new journey?
Sharmin Ahmad: They certainly must seek forgiveness. This must not be for political reasons, but from genuine remorse. When people see a change in their behaviour, their thinking, their speech, then gradually people's trust in them will start to return. They are, after all, people of this society. I feel they will do well in the future if they do this out of their own volition.
In 1971 Tajuddin Ahmad formed and led the government in exile. As his successors, would you, Simeen Hossain Rimi and Sohel Taj take up any responsibility if bestowed upon you?
Sharmin Ahmad: You can try and keep someone alive if they want to live, but not if they want to die. Sohel and the rest of us received phone calls from high up in Awami League, from Sheikh Hasina's relatives. They wanted to know if we would take over Awami League leadership. I reminded them that after 1975, Zohra had taken up responsibility of Awami League. But Awami League was in a much better shape back then than it is now. When my mother took to the helm of Awami League, then almost everyone in Awami League had arisen from the grassroots. My mother directed qualified, meritorious people to be recruited to the organisation. But she would not interfere into who would come into the organisation or not. Meritorious youth began to join. But what was the result? When our mother was leading Awami League to the path of democracy and had taken it to a strong position, what happened? Abdur Razzak and others brought Sheikh Hasina in from Delhi. Then Awami League no longer belonged to the party. It belonged to the family. Personally speaking, I do not like dynastic rule in politics. If anyone new comes along, we will work for them. But we will not like to enter politics as Tajuddin's successors.
I told those who had phoned us, you are now coming to Tajuddin's family again! You all destroyed the party and now want us to build the party. Then you all will come back and take over, enjoy the results? We have taken the stand this time, that let the repentance come from within Awami League, let them have self-realisation. They must apologise to the people. They must go to each and every family of those who were killed, to each and every injured person and beg forgiveness. They must bring back the money siphoned overseas and return it to the people.
The US election is to take place on 5 November. If the Republican candidate Donald Trump wins the election, how far will that have an impact on geopolitics?
Sharmin Ahmad: The US foreign policy doesn't change much. Iraq was attacked during the rule of the Republican president Bush. Then the most drone attacks on Iraq took place during Democrat Obama's time. The most civilians were killed. The reason behind this was crony capitalism. The US is the biggest arms exporter. The corporations that fund the Republicans, funds the Democrats too.
Thank you.
Thank you too.