BNP's leaders and activists are certainly pleased to have been able to hold an extended meeting after so many years in free circumstances. The extended meeting was held at a time when the party's chairperson Khaleda Zia is in London, undergoing medical treatment. The party's acting chairman Tarique Rahman has been residing there since the takeover by the military-backed caretaker government. Both of them joined the meeting virtually and provided guidelines to the party leaders and workers.
Around a hundred or so leaders of various levels spoke at the extended meeting. They spoke of the government's reforms and the conflicts within the party. The leaders also issued notes of caution concerning the activities of toppled Awami League and the previous ally Jamaat-e-Islami. The grassroots delegates urged the leaders to ensure that those who were inactive during the movement, not be given fresh space in the leadership and also that only qualified and sacrificing leaders be given priority in nominations.
However, though BNP leaders spoke about state reforms, elections and the political developments, they did not say anything about reforms within the party. The source of Bangladesh's democratic crisis is the autocracy within parties. The interim government has formed reform commissions on several issues, but has not taken any steps to ensure democracy within the parties. Political analysts believe that democracy cannot be established within the country unless it is established within the parties.
When Awami League was in power, BNP leaders and activists were constantly on the run. Thousands of cases had been filed to harass the party's leaders, from the grassroots to the centre. Many of the leaders had to spend half their time in the corridors of the courts.
The circumstances have changed. But under these new free circumstances BNP is having to face different challenges. A certain section of its leaders and activists are embroiled in extortion and other criminal deeds. In some places the leaders and activists are locked in in-fighting. These are not positive signs.
BNP quite some time back had come up with a 31-point recommendation for state reforms. The party's allies had lent their support to this too. The 31 points included several sound proposals. There was the call to reinstate the caretaker government system, a clause to ensure that no individual could be prime minister for more than two terms, a bicameral parliament, and a balance between the powers of the president and the prime minister. The proposals also called for the legislature to have authority over the executive, for the judiciary to be separated from the executive and for the election commission as well as other state institutions to have autonomy.
However, none of these 31 points dealt with reforms of the political parties. They established parliamentary democracy in the country, but the party's structure is totally autocratic. And this is not just about BNP, this is true about most parties, large and small. The party head is the all-in-all. His or her word is law.
If we look at the constitutions of the three parties -- BNP, Awami League and Jatiya Party, it is apparent that the individual is larger than the party.
BNP's constitution lays out the responsibilities, powers and duties of the party's chairman. It says: 1) As the chief officer of the party, the chairman shall control, supervise and coordinate all activities of the party and for that purpose shall have authority over the National Council, National Standing Committee, National Executive Committee, Subject Committees and other committees nominated by the Chairman and shall do control, supervise and coordinate their functions. 2) The chairman can also take disciplinary action against the members of the above committees if necessary. 3) As the Chairman of the National Executive Committee, he shall determine the responsibilities, powers and duties of the officials of the said committee. 4) The Chairman may dissolve the National Executive Committee, the National Standing Committee, thematic sub-committees and other committees nominated by the Chairman and reconstitute them subject to the approval of the next Council.
If the party chairman controls, supervises and coordinates all activities of the party and wields authority over the national council, national standing committee, national executive committee and the thematic committees, then it hardly makes any difference if there are other posts or not.
Can we hope for a democracy in the future where the party chief and the leader of parliament will not be one and the same? That the prime minister will not be leader of the parliament?
The constitution of Jatiya Party (Ershad) goes one step further, saying that the chairman will be the party's highest official. He is the symbol of the party's unity, solidarity and honour. No matter what the other sections of the constitution may state, Jatiya Party's chairman will hold special powers. By virtue of these powers he will establish, reestablish, cancel and abolish committees at every level as required. He can create or abolish any post. The Jatiya Party chairman can appoint anyone to any post in the party, can remove anyone from any post and also replace anyone from any post in the party.
These powers of the chairman have been used several times. The party has split, many leaders have been dismissed, but the constitution left behind by Ershad remains intact.
Awami League's constitution, in speaking about the responsibilities and powers of the party president, says, "The President shall be the chief of the organisation. He will preside over all meetings of the Bangladesh Awami League Council, the National Committee, the Executive Committee and Presidium Members and if necessary shall give a ruling by explaining any section of the Constitution. He shall announce the nomination of members of the Executive Committee according to Section 19. He in consultant with the Presidium Members shall nominate members of the subject matter committees. The President shall give the responsibility to any Presidium Member to discharge the functions of the president during his absence."
The party chief will consult the presidium members in nominating the subject-wise or thematic committees, but there is no mention of him/her consulting them for the nomination of the executive committee members.
Awami League's constitution does have some mention of democracy, but even so, it has been run in an autocratic manner for 42 years. And BNP as well as Jatiya Party's constitutions bestow all power upon the party chief.
Our leaders want to establish democracy in the country, but not in the party. BNP and Awami League are large parties and so their 'singular leadership' is more noticeable. But there is autocracy in almost all parties of Bangladesh, large and small. Our erudite politicians fail to realise that before establishing democracy in the country, it is essential to first establish democracy within the party.
When speaking of political party reforms, scholars maintain that the same individual should not remain more than two terms as head of the party. However, the leaders of all parties reject this as "unrealistic". They do not like it when questions are raised as to how prudent it is to have the same person as leader of the parliament and prime minister. But how can they deny that when the same person is both prime minister and leader of the parliament, the party and the government merge as one?
Can we hope for a democracy in the future where the party chief and the leader of parliament will not be one and the same? That the prime minister will not be leader of the parliament?
* Sohrab Hassan is joint editor of Prothom Alo and a poet
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir