There was a meeting between the election system reform commission and editors and senior journalists on Thursday. As soon as I went to the election commission building in the morning, I encountered a blockade on Rokeya Sarani. Following the order to ban battery-run rickshaws by the High Court in three days, the drivers had blocked the road. Their argument was that if their vehicles were suddenly banned without providing alternative work options, they would starve to death.
Although the government has undertaken reform initiatives in various state affairs including the electoral system, it seems it is not thinking about these working people and their employment. The government has declared that battery-run rickshaws will not be allowed on main roads but can still operate in alleys. At the same time, they are saying they won't be allowed anywhere at all. In Dhaka, there are at least 600,000 battery-powered rickshaws. Many people have bought these rickshaws on loans. If they can no longer operate their rickshaws, how will they repay their loans?
I heard a government official on TV saying, "After the court's order, we have nothing to do." I want to remind him not to show excuses by citing the court orders every time. The court also declared the government's decision to abolish the Awami League’s job quotas in public service illegal. I’m sure he is aware of what happened afterward. The point is, the government cannot ban battery-operated rickshaws without offering alternative means of income for the drivers. There is no law that overrides the hunger of the people.
Badiul Alam Majumdar, the head of the election system reform commission, has been working on elections for three decades. When he campaigned for honest and competent candidates during the BNP era, the ruling party labeled him as an ally of the Awami League. And when he criticised the three controversial elections held under the Awami League, they called him an 'enemy of the people.' This is our political culture.
During the discussions with the commission, the role of the administration and law enforcement in elections, the character of elected governments and political parties, and other related issues were raised. Power-hungry politicians are not used to seeing themselves outside of power. It is often claimed that four elections were fair under the caretaker government system (1991, 1996, 2001, 2008). However, the defeated parties did not accept the people's verdict and searched for subtle and gross irregularities in those elections. In the last three elections, people were not even able to vote.
The ruling party has always tried to monopolize everything. On the other hand, the opposition party has sought liberation through boycotting parliament and street movements. As a result, in the last 53 years, the democratic system has failed to sustain itself. Every elected government has become authoritarian—some to a lesser degree, others to a greater extent.
Thus, the problem is not just with elections but with the political culture itself. Everyone in the discussion with the commission agreed that the caretaker system must be reinstated for fair elections. The upcoming 13th parliamentary elections will take place under the current interim government. However, to hold future elections under a caretaker government, new laws must be passed, and this responsibility should be taken on by the next elected government.
The topic of inclusive elections was also discussed. No one wants to see elections like the ones held under Sheikh Hasina's rule, where the opposition was excluded from the electoral process.
The discussants suggested bringing all ministries involved in elections, such as the home ministry and the public administration ministry under the election commission’s control during elections. Many countries have examples of this system. It remains to be seen whether the new commission can implement this.
They also suggested taking action against parties and individuals who violate the code of conduct before the election and, if necessary, canceling their candidature. Any government officials who engage in irregularities or corruption during elections should be punished.
In the 2008 elections, the commission introduced a 'no' vote option, but the Awami League government abolished it. Now, most journalists and commission members are calling for the reintroduction of the 'no' vote.
Previously, police, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), alongside the armed forces, were involved in maintaining law and order. The Awami League changed the law to keep them as auxiliary forces, but it is crucial to revert to the old system. Journalists also emphasized that their professional duties should not be obstructed under any circumstances.
During the discussion with the commission, news came in that a new election commission had been formed, with former secretary AMM Nasir Uddin as its head. In his immediate response, he vowed to ensure people's voting rights, stating, "Since 2014, people have been unable to vote. Many people lost their lives during the July-August protests, and the main issue of that movement was securing voting rights. It is impossible to betray the blood of so many people."
The new commission faces significant challenges, but in the changed circumstances, they might find a more favourable environment. The Election System Reform Commission is expected to make their work easier. This will be the first national election under a non-partisan government since 2008. The interim government will not vote itself, so they will not exert pressure on the administration, law enforcement, or other responsible officials.
However, the new commission will face pressure from rival political parties. Everyone will try to align the commission with their own interests. Parties that were once allies in the anti-Awami League-government movement will now compete in the elections. This will likely create some instability in the electoral campaign, which the election commission must manage effectively.
In the last three elections, the commission was fully subservient to the ruling party. The commission worked according to the government’s wishes, and even when some members wanted to act according to their conscience, they ultimately failed. In some cases, where the voting was so low that people could see an empty polling field, the results showed 40 per cent or more voter turnout.
Restoring the trust of voters will be a difficult task for the new commission. It is hoped that the interim government and the election commission will work together to ensure a free and fair election. However, gaining the trust of political leaders and maintaining balance among rival parties will not be easy.
The tendency of public administration and law enforcement will lean in whichever direction the political wind blows. If it becomes clear before the election who will win, then the entire state apparatus, including the administration and police, may work in their favour.
The new chief election commissioner has promised to secure people's voting rights, but we believe this will only be possible if the election is competitive and contested. Alongside voting rights, there must also be open opportunities for choosing candidates.
*Sohrab Hassan is the joint editor at Prothom Alo and a poet