Amu became a 'godfather', used his clout to grab land

Amir Hossain AmuProthom Alo illustration

Awami League's veteran leader Amir Hossain Amu is a member of the party's advisory council, central coordinator and spokesperson of the 14 Party alliance. Though a national leader, he was most powerful and influential in Jhalokathi. A clique of opportunists had arisen in the district over the near 16-year rule of Awami League and, on behalf of Amu, they would control all contract work, recruitment rackets, committees and election nominations in the district. Through this clique, Amu became the godfather of Jhalokathi.

In the first Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament) election held in 1972 he was elected member of parliament as the Awami League candidate in Bakerganj-7. In the 18 February 1979 election he contested as the Awami League (Malek) candidate. He was the Awami League candidate in all the elections since then. He was elected from the Jhalokathi-2 seat in the by-election of 2000. He was also elected in 2008, 2014 and 2018. In 1996 he was made food minister of the Awami League government. In 2014 he was made industries minister. In the last election to the 12th Jatiya Sangsad he became MP of the Jhalokathi-2 (Sadar-Nalchhiti) seat on Awami League nomination.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, Jhalokathi district BNP member secretary Shahadat Hossain said Amir Hossain Amu had captured all social and political organisations over the past 16 years. To avail jobs from the position of night guard up to all different posts, Amu would have to be paid. BNP leaders and activists would not be able to remain home at night.
After the Awami League government fell on 5 August by means of the student-people's uprising, Sheikh Hasina left the country. The agitated people attacked Amu's house in Jhalokathi and set it on fire. Later the army and the police recovered around 40 million taka and foreign currency, some burnt and some intact, from that house. Amu had fled away before that.

No one knows where Amu is since then. There are several cases against him. On 18 August his bank accounts were frozen at the orders of the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU). Transactions of the banks accounts of the businesses owned by his family members have also been suspended.

Forcefully grabbing privately-owned land, Amir Hossain Amu set up the Aklima Moazzem Hossain Degree College in his parents' name. Later, from 2012 to 2016, he forcefully bought around six acres of land from local residents at negligible prices. Prothom Alo spoke to six of the sufferers. They said Amu used the police to coerce them and then grabbed their land.

Salt trader of Jhalokathi town, Fazle Huq Howladar, had 36 decimals of land next to the college. His son-in-law, expatriate Atiqur Rahman, had another 75 decimals. Together they began setting up a petrol pump there, named Howladar Filling Station. They had to pay around Tk 3.6 million (Tk 36 lakh) for the construction and approval from various offices. But then Amu put on the pressure to hand over the land for the college he had set up. When Fazlul Huq refused, other leaders and activists led by Amu's 'khalifa' GS Zakir, would regularly turn up at his business establishment and threaten him. A team of police would often pick up his son Riazul Islam and keep him at the police station from morning till night. They would threaten him with 'crossfire'.

Named after Amu's wife, Begum Firoza Amu Jhalokathi Technical and BM College building next to the Jhalokathi Collectorate School
Prothom Alo

Fazlul Huq, speaking to Prothom Alo, said, "One day my son-in-law and I were taken to Amu's house on Bogura Road in Barishal. He was sitting there and said, 'If you don't hand over the land to me, you will face horrendous consequences.' Out of fear, my son-in-law and I wrote over the land to him in his house. At 12:00 midnight the land was registered in his name at his house by the Jhalokathi Sadar sub-registrar. I was paid a paltry sum of just Tk 300 thousand (Tk 3 lakh) per katha. Yet this land actually cost Tk 1 million (Tk 10 lakh) per katha. A deed writer was always ready there to write over the land. GS Zakir and PP Abdul Mannan Rasul would assist him in this regard."

The trader Fazlul Huq said, "Differences had cropped up between me and my business partner Salek Sharif over a salt mill. I had invested around Tk 4 million (Tk 40 lakh) in the mill, but Salek Sharif's son, district Jubo League joint convener Kamal Sharif (also a 'khalifa') refused to hand over my share of the mill. Even after I produced all proof in this regard, in the name of a settlement Amu handed over entire ownership of the mill to Salek Sharif. Amu had taken Tk 500 thousand (Tk 5 lakh) from me, saying he would speak in my favour. I did not even get that money back."

Another land owner, Khalilur Rahman, said, "With my hard-earned money I had set up a tin-shed house on 6 decimals of land. Zakir put pressure on me to hand over that land. Later Amu constructed the college wall, blocking the entrance to my house. For a few days, my wife and I would use a ladder to enter our place. My wife even went to Dhaka and worked as a housemaid at Amu's house there so that we would not have to hand over the land. But that did not soften Amu. We were forced to write over the six decimals of land for a mere Tk 800 thousand (Tk 8 lakh).

Also Read

In the same manner, Amu took over the land of Abdur Razzak, land of Samrat Shoe House's owner Parimal Chandra Dey, land Sabiha Chemical Works' owner Md Shamsul Huq and his siblings, and land of many others. The zila parishad even allocated Tk 2 million (Tk 20 lakh) for the landfilling.
The municipal mayor Liaqat Ali Talukdar, upon orders from Amu, in 2015 demolished two rooms and the boundary wall of the Collectorate School run by the district administration. This demolition was carried out in order to set up the Begum Firoza Amu Jhalokathi Technical and BM College, named after Amu's wife, next to the Collectorate School.

The Collectorate School had been established on 19 February 2019 on the banks of the Sugandha river. The district administration had landscaped the school grounds with a pond in front and boundary wall all around. The Begum Firoza Amu Jhalokathi Technical and BM College was supposed to be set up next to the Collectorate School. But that was eventually not set up there, though the land was taken over. Later a building was constructed there in the name of Begum Firoza Amu Homeopathic Medical College and Hospital.

When asked about the matter, chairman of the Begum Firoza Amu Jhalokathi Technical and BM College managing committee and municipal mayor Liaqat Ali Talukdar said, "We look a bit land through understanding, as this was required for constructing the college building. Later land was allocated by the land ministry for the two institutions."

President of the Collectorate School and deputy commissioner Ashrafur Rahman said, "I joined this district only recently. If the school land has been used illegally, investigations will be carried out and action will be taken accordingly."

Amu would take commission from the fund allocations of any development project in Jhalokathi. He had built up his own force for this purpose. Most of Amu's work was carried out by the district Awami League joint general secretary Nurul Amin Khan Suruj alias Ranga Bhai, Sadar upazila Awami League general secretary Hafiz Al Mahmud, district Jubo League convener Rezaul Karim Zakir alias GS Zakir and district Jubo League convener Kamal Sharif. They are locally known as the 'four khalifa' (four caliphs). A cut of the money would also have to be given to Amu's brother-in-law and APS Fakhrul Majid Kiron and Amu's personal assistant at his Dhaka house Shaon Khan. They would take a 30 to 40 per cent commission in Amu's name and sell tender documents to the contractors.

Amu's wealth in his affidavit had inflated abnormally. Also, the wealth recorded in the affidavit is only a fraction of his actual wealth.
Satyaban Sengupta, president, Jhalokathi Shochetan Nagorik Committee

At least three sources of LGED (Local Government Engineering Department) said that, headed by the 'four khalifas', projects for unnecessary culverts and bridges would be drawn up the LGED, the Roads and Highways Division and the ministry. Sometimes work orders would even be brought to demolish perfectly good bridges to construct new ones. Additional allocations would be made for such work by means of Amu's DO letters. Later the work would be sold at commissions up till 40 per cent, even after which the contractors would make a profit.

A Jhalokathi Roads and Highways official said, "Amu's decision was final in selecting contractors. Even after e-tenders were introduced, the tender documents would have to be handed over to the four khalifas. If this was not followed, the government officials would be transferred and harassed. Other than the Roads and Highways Division, this was the same with LGED, the Education Engineering Department, Public Works, the four upazila engineers, relief and rehabilitation project implementation department and all other sectors.

Jhalokathi LGED contractor and owner of M/s Monowara Enterprises, Shafiqul Islam, said, "I have been working with LGED since 2013. Even after being awarded some contracts by means of lottery, we would have to pay Amu a 5 per cent commission. It would not be possible to work of the payment wasn't made. A commission of around Tk 400,000 (Tk 4 lakh) was taken from me for two contracts of Tk 6.8 million (Tk 68 lakh) and Tk 3.3 million (Tk 33 lakh).

District Awami League treasurer Monirul Islam Talukdar alias Monir Hujur, was Amu's trusted associate. Monirul's father Liaqat Ali Talukdar had been the municipal mayor. Monirul would control all of the pourashava contracts. He would collect Amu's commission from every contract before the work began and send it to Dhaka. His family has settled in Canada.

Party nomination and committee control

Other than his own Jhalokathi-2 constituency, Amu had sole control over the politics of Jhalokathi-1 (Rajapur-Kathalia). Persons selected by him were given place in every organisational committee. Dedicated leaders were dropped and even pro-BNP persons were placed in important posts in exchange of money, it is alleged. Amu made former BNP leader Liaqat Ali Talukdar the town Awami League president, BNP candidate in the 2004 pourashava election Mahabub Hossain town Awami League general secretary and Sadar upazila BNP's former president Abdur Rashid, Sadar upazila Awami League president.

Also Read

At least five deprived leaders said, at the 12 December 2019 district Awami League council, for the second time Sardar Md Shah Alam was made president and Khan Saifullah general secretary. After the council the full-fledged committee was announced. Also committees for 4 upazilas, 2 pourashavas and 32 unions were formed. Only leaders selected by Amu were given important posts in the committees. While there was anger over the matter, no one dared to speak out. The slightest protest would put an end to their political future.

Two Awami League leaders who had wielded clout at one time, former mayor Afzal Hossain and former upazila parishad chairman Sultan Hossain Khan, were dropped from the party. They had sidestepped Amu's decision, and Afzal Hossain was defeated in the pourashava election and Sultan Hossain in the upazila parishad election.

Hard cash only

A district Awami League leader said, Amu would have to be paid in hard cash. His brother-in-law Kiran would carry out the transactions. Kiran was from Narsingdi district. Younger brother of Awami League government's former industries minister Nurul Majid Humayun, Kiran left his own area to live Jhalokathi. Other than colleting commissions, he would also look after Amu's political activities in the constituency.

A UP chairman of Nalchhiti upazila Awami League said, "Kiran's permission was required to meet with Amu. He would distribute all the work in Nalchhiti."

Amu had a house at Ronalse Road in Jhalokathi, a lavish bungalow at Bogura Road in Barishal city and a bungalow in Eskaton, Dhaka. Several leaders of Awami League said, Amu would keep money at home rather than in the bank. This was evident on 5 August. Agitated crowds attacked and set fire to his home in Jhalokathi.

When the fire was being extinguished, the army and police recovered the cash from luggage in the house. They counted Tk 10 million (Tk 1 crore) in undamaged notes in one luggage and Tk 27.7 million (Tk 2 crore 77 lakh) in semi-burnt notes in another luggage. Police say dollars, euros and other foreign currency worth around Tk 10 million was also found there.

Election control, cases and harassment

Amu would remain in the constituency before every local government election and wield his influence. There is a term in Jhalokathi, "one-vote chairman". That means only one vote -- Amu's vote -- was required for a candidate to win the election. Whoever would pay Amu and secure the 'boat' nomination, would surely be the winner. Whenever the elections came around, aspiring candidates would throng the Eskaton house in Dhaka.

With Amu's influence, Jhalokathi district judge court's public prosecutor Abdul Mannan Rasul was elected president of the district bar council 11 consecutive years, uncontested. Member of the district bar council and district BNP convening committee member Mizanur Rahman said, upon Amu's orders, Abdul Mannan Rasul would trap BNP leaders and dissenting leaders by filing false cases against them. After Amu, he was the uncrowned king of Jhalokathi. He would harass anyone seeking justice unless they paid him. Lawyers were terrified of him. There are allegations that Abdul Mannan Rasul made around Tk 100 million (Tk 10 crore) in the name of Amu through all sorts of appointments and deals over the past 16 years in the district judge court and the chief judicial court.

Agitated people damaged and set fire to Amir Hossain Amu's house at Ronalse Road in Jhalokathi on 5 August
Collected

Abnormal amassing of wealth

In his affidavit during the 2018 election to the 11th Jatiya Sangsad, Amu's wealth in cash was shown to be Tk 500,000 (Tk 5 lakh). He has Tk 28,745,063 (Tk 2 crore 87 lakh 45 thousand 63) in various banks and financial institutions. In his affidavit during the 2024 election to the 12 the Jatiya Sangsad, his cash had increased to Tk 20 million (Tk 2 crore), with Tk 80 million (Tk 8 crore) in banks and financial institutions.

According to his 2018 affidavit, Amu's annual income was Tk 443,000 (Tk 4 lakh 43 thousand). At the time he had two residential buildings worth Tk 9.8 million (Tk 98 lakh). There were 12 cases against him. In his 2024 affidavit, his annual income was Tk 6,930,060 (Tk 69 lakh 30 thousand 60) from agricultural land, houses, shops, service and other sources. He had another Tk 2,370,235 (Tk 23 lakh 70 thousand 235) in savings certificates, shares and fixed deposits). His buses, trucks, cars and motorcycles were worth Tk 7.5 million (Tk 75 lakh). His affidavit put the value of his furniture and other items at another Tk 134,903,838 (Tk 13 crore 49 lakh 3 thousand 838). He has five residential buildings. Of these, three are worth Tk 64,400,000 (Tk 6 crore 44 lakh). The value of the other two has been recorded as unknown.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, Jhalokathi Shochetan Nagorik Committee president Satyaban Sengupta said, Amu's wealth in his affidavit had inflated abnormally. Also, the wealth recorded in the affidavit is only a fraction of his actual wealth.

Also Read