Opinion
Workers and industry: Areas where the govt must pay attention
The manner in which compensation for the workers who have been killed or injured is determined at present is absolutely unacceptable and insulting. The compensation must be determined in such a manner so that it is adequate and also puts pressure on the offenders
The killings and enforced disappearances that took place during the long autocratic rules have still not been properly determined. There is still a long way to go to ensure justice for the people who were killed and maimed at the hands of the police, RAB or ruling party goons in every region of the country.
The Tawki, Tonu, Sagar-Runi and Munia murder cases created a sensation and everybody hoped for speedy justice. The other cases must be taken to trial speedily too.
Here I am specifically speaking about the workers who were killed and injured by the police and the ruling force’s henchmen. During the movement for wages in October-November last year, the police and the ruling party goons had indiscriminately opened fire on the workers. Even passersby had been killed and wounded in those arbitrary armed attacks.
There is no national minimum wage in our country. While there has been economic growth and increased profits, the wages in various sectors have not seen any reasonable increase. That is why, even though Bangladesh’s readymade garment sector is ahead of many countries in manufacturing and export, our workers’ wages are the lowest in the world.
Not only that, wages remain overdue too. The workers have to take to the streets for a justified wage. In exchange they are subject to attacks, cases and bullets!
Amid the poverty line wages, inflation and extreme income disparity, the wages that were declared were totally unacceptable. But with pressure from the police, BGB and the thugs of the ruling party, this minimum wage was forced upon them.
On top of that all, the community police, the industrial police, the police from the police stations, BGB, even the ansar members were empowered to make arrests, intelligence agencies and the local Chhatra League (BCL) and Jubo League forces swooped down on the workers.
As a result, on 30 October last year, Rasel Howladar was killed in police fire and Imran Hossain was burnt to death. On 8 November, Anjumanara Begum and Jalal Uddin were shot dead by the police.
Instead of investigating these incidents and ensuring justice, the government creates a sense of terror by filing cases against the workers, giving scope to the police to make money by threatening them with arrests. This happened in the past too, but those incidents were never investigated and no trials were held.
These repeated incidents bring several questions to the fore. For example, why is there so much bloodshed in the industrial areas just because minimum wages are demanded? Why do these men and women die so early? Why are hundreds of workers injured? Why do they have to launch movements every year for minimum wages? Why does the state use all its agencies against the workers? Do the police and the other forces adhere to the law? How do the owners use the criminal forces to attack and threaten the workers?
Bangladesh has no effective law court. It is not possible for the workers to get justice in the existing facilities. The number of law courts must be increased and institutional support must be given to the workers to avail equal opportunities
Searching for answers to these questions, on 22 March, we formed a committee for public inquiry into the killing and wounding of workers in the wages movement.
The committee comprises lawyers, labour organisers, economists, writers and researchers. In searching for the answers to these questions, we studied news reports, writings and other reports, and we also spoke to workers, industry owners, police and officials of various government organisations. Families of the killed and injured as well as eye witnesses were also interviewed. This investigation was carried out in face of non-cooperation from the administration and the police.
From the information gathered by the public committee’s investigations, the statements of various persons, documents, newspaper reports and interviews, we came to a consensus that 1. There is ample reason for the workers to be aggrieved due to the wages and various injustices and wrongs within the factories; 2. They have no organisation or independent trade union to duly voice their views and grievances. There are huge obstacles preventing them from this; 3. No role of the industrial police is visible other than upholding the interests of the industry owners. The state forces join hands with the hoodlums hired by the industry owners in the attacks on the workers. The administration plays the same role; and 4. It is the state administration, the police and the industry owners who are mainly responsible for killing and injuring the workers. They have violated the existing laws.
We have presented recommendations to the government based on the essential changes that emerged from our overall investigations. Given the political situation over the past few months, the state brutality and the role of the police and the other state forces, we feel these recommendations are relevant. The recommendations include:
1. The killing of the workers must be properly investigated and exemplary punishment ensured;
2. The police and the goons of the ruling party of the time attacked the workers, shot and killed and injured them and then filed false cases against the workers, and tortured them. They are still being harassed. Compensation must be paid immediately and all false case withdrawn.
3. If a member of the police breaks the law and kills anyone or wounds them, not only is that police member to be held responsible, but the home ministry too.
4. We have seen time and again the industrial police being used as the henchmen of the industry owners, which harms the environment in the industrial area, creating mistrust and uncertainty. This force should be abolished in the interests of the industry.
5. The reason why the police, instead of being a state force, work as the personal force of powerful persons and groups or is immersed in corruption and torture the working people, is because of the structure and recruitment process. The present bureaucracy-dependent recruitment process must be changed and a police commission formed. The citizens must be involved in the commission and a fresh corruption-free recruitment process put in place.
6. An institutional process must be ensured for the wages to be determined and reviewed at specific times so that the workers no longer have to agitate for their wages. A halt must be brought to withholding wages, fraud and exploitation.
7. A healthy environment in the factories and rights for labour organisations must be ensured. Obstructing the rights of the labour organisations will be considered a punishable offence. Regulations against sexual harassment must be drawn up and implemented.
8. Bangladesh has no effective law court. It is not possible for the workers to get justice in the existing facilities. The number of law courts must be increased and institutional support must be given to the workers to avail equal opportunities.
9. The manner in which compensation for the workers who have been killed or injured is determined at present is absolutely unacceptable and insulting. The compensation must be determined in such a manner so that it is adequate and also puts pressure on the offenders.
On 5 August this year Sheikh Hasina’s government was toppled in a student-people uprising. There was a storm of protest worldwide over the extrajudicial killings carried out by the police and the other forces during the July-August movement. Around a thousand people were killed, including over a hundred workers. Thousands were injured.
The majority were members of working class families. Their interests and their rights must be given priority consideration if a discrimination-free Bangladesh is to be established. But there will be no end to the discrimination, the repression and oppression unless the existing laws, the regulations and the state mindset are changed. The implementation of these recommendations can be a start.
* Anu Muhammad is a teacher, writer and editor of the quarterly journal Sarbajankatha
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir