‘One-sided, engineered’ elections planned at the ‘highest level’

The so-called ‘innovative’ plan to rig and win three national parliamentary elections—known as the one-sided election of 2014, the ‘midnight vote’ of 2018, and the ‘dummy election’ of 2024—during the Awami League’s rule began immediately after the 2008 election.

The plan was made through decisions taken at the highest level of the state, and its implementation involved the state’s administrative machinery, police, Election Commission, and parts of the intelligence agencies.

These findings were revealed in the report of an investigation commission formed by the interim government to probe allegations surrounding the three controversial national elections held under the Awami League government, which was ousted through the July mass uprising.

The commission said that several thousand officials and employees were involved in electoral irregularities. However, due to insufficient time allocated for the investigation, it was not possible to specifically identify individuals involved or determine their exact roles.

Because of time constraints, a full investigation could not be completed. The commission members described the 2008 election as questionable and recommended that it, too, be investigated.

The commission submitted its report to Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus at the state guest house Jamuna on Monday evening. Later, at a press conference held in front of Jamuna, the five-member commission presented a summary of the report and its recommendations.

The briefing was conducted by the commission’s chair, former High Court justice Shamim Hasnain, former additional secretary Shamim Al Mamun, Associate Professor of Law at Dhaka University Kazi Mahfuzul Haque, lawyer Tajriyaan Akram Hussain, and election expert Md Abdul Alim. Chief Adviser’s Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam also spoke at the event.

Earlier, in June, a gazette notification issued by the Cabinet Division announced the formation of an investigation committee. The committee was initially asked to submit its report by 30 September. The following month, it was converted into a commission and given time until 30 October. Later, the deadline was extended by one month.

The commission was tasked with investigating various irregularities committed during the elections held in 2014, 2018, and 2024.

Following the press conference, journalists were provided with a summary of the investigation commission’s report. It detailed numerous irregularities and strategies used in the disputed elections of 2014, 2018, and 2024.

The report stated that in the 2014 election, 153 seats were won uncontested, while the elections in the remaining 147 seats—described as ‘competitive’—were entirely staged and meticulously planned. This arrangement was made through decisions taken at the highest level of the state to keep the Awami League in power.

According to the report, because the 2014 election drew global criticism as an uncontested vote, the Awami League under Sheikh Hasina adopted a mission to make the 2018 election appear ‘competitive’. Failing to grasp the far-reaching nature of this plan, the BNP and other opposition parties participated in the election.

Based on the commission’s estimates, ballots were stamped and stuffed at night in favour of the Awami League in 80 per cent of polling centres in 2018 to ensure its victory. There was a form of dishonest competition within the administration to secure Awami League wins, resulting in voter turnout exceeding 100 per cent in some centres.

In 2024, as the BNP and other opposition parties boycotted the election, a strategy was adopted to create the appearance of competition by fielding ‘dummy’ candidates.

The report said that to implement the elaborate plans behind the three elections, a special unit comprising certain officials was formed, which became known as the ‘Election Cell’.

From 2014 to 2024, control of the electoral system was gradually taken away from the Election Commission and placed largely in the hands of the administration. During this period, the administration—not the Election Commission—emerged as the main authority running elections.

The commission’s report stated that the 10^th, 11^th, and 12^th national elections held in 2014, 2018, and 2024 respectively sparked widespread controversy and criticism both at home and abroad, effectively writing the history of a shameful chapter in the country’s electoral process.

These elections were one-sided, and governments were formed through elections marred by irregularities. Enormous public funds were spent on these elections, severely curtailing people’s voting rights.

Conducted under state patronage, these elections polluted and weakened Bangladesh’s democratic and constitutional institutions, gradually paving the way for fascism as democracy came under sustained attack.

The report further stated that the foundations of the three tainted elections were laid in 2011, when a controversial verdict by then Chief Justice ABM Khairul Haque declared the caretaker government system unconstitutional.

The report listed actions that corrupted the electoral system, including the abolition of the caretaker government system; determining electoral strategies and using designated sections of state intelligence agencies and armed forces in elections; filing false and harassing cases against opposition candidates and activists; arresting opposition leaders and activists in fabricated non-bailable cases and subjecting them to enforced disappearances; casting fake votes; using the executive branch to manipulate elections; irregular delimitation of parliamentary constituencies; pre-stuffing ballot boxes; manipulating voter turnout figures; unilaterally appointing compliant chief election commissioners and other commissioners; and fielding dummy candidates in elections.

The investigation commission made several recommendations concerning electoral reform. These include enacting laws as proposed by the Electoral System Reform Commission and appointing election commissioners accordingly; forming a constituency delimitation commission; prohibiting the appointment of officials from the administration cadre to the Election Commission on deputation; framing rules to appoint a secretary to the Election Commission from outside the administration; prioritising the appointment of returning officers and assistant returning officers from within the Election Commission’s own officials; and, if insufficient personnel are available, appointing officials from other cadres, including the administration.

The commission also recommended creating a ‘protection framework’ to shield judicial magistrates from executive and political pressure while performing election duties, and ensuring transparency in the operations of all intelligence agencies, including DGFI and NSI.

At the press conference, explaining the context of the investigation, commission chair and former justice Shamim Hasnain said that although elections were held in 2014, 2018, and 2024, their ‘master plan’ was devised after the 2008 election.

He said the strategy following that election was how to abolish the caretaker government system, which was ultimately scrapped in 2011 as part of a long-term plan.

He added that the three elections were fraudulent, results were forcibly seized, and that these elections marked the death of democracy in Bangladesh.