Social media platform X (formerly Twitter) has now become the primary topic of debate, controversy, and argument among Bangladeshis. The incident began on Saturday afternoon when a verified X handle belonging to Jamaat-e-Islami's Ameer, Shafiqur Rahman, posted a message in English. One part of the message, when translated to Bengali, roughly states, "We believe that when women are taken out of the house in the name of modernity, they face exploitation, moral degradation, and insecurity. This is nothing but another form of prostitution."
Jamaat claims that their leader's X account was hacked in a highly conspiratorial manner. On the other hand, the BNP has questioned the credibility of the account's recovery claim made shortly after it was allegedly hacked.
In Bangladesh's current political climate, crafting narratives using social media algorithms has become more important than fact-checking. After three consecutive one-sided, controversial, night-time elections, an election atmosphere has emerged in the country. However, ethnic and religious minority voters remain concerned, fearful, and anxious about the election. About 9.5 per cent of voters are stuck in a dilemma: it's problematic whether they vote or not.
A discussion by the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS) recently revealed that minority voters could be a factor in around 80 constituency elections. Yet, out of 2,017 candidates from parties and independents alike, only 80 candidates belong to minority communities, with 12 candidates running as independents. Although 51 political parties are participating in this election, only 22 have fielded candidates from minority communities. The Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) fielded 17 candidates, BNP 6, and Jamaat-e-Islami 1.
Religious and ethnic communities may be counted as minorities by population, but women constitute the majority in the country. Women outnumber men by 1.6 million. However, the latest voter list shows that there are 2 million fewer female voters compared to male voters. In this election, only 78 out of a total of all party and independent candidates are women. Among them, 61 are from political parties and 17 are independents. Jamaat, along with 30 parties, did not field any female candidates. BNP has nominated 10 women. Other leftist parties, including CPB and BASAD, fielded a few female candidates.
Although two women have led Bangladesh as Prime Ministers over the past few decades, and have led the two biggest parties, women's participation in politics remains marginal. In no election in Bangladesh has the number of female candidates exceeded 5 per cent. Most women elected to positions have received nominations through their fathers, husbands, or children, with a few exceptions.
Allegations persist that decisions regarding women have been made without women in consensus commissions. After much negotiation, 26 political parties and alliances have agreed on nominating female candidates in at least 5 per cent of the seats. These parties came to an agreement in July. So, why would they break their promises now? What guarantees are there that winning a yes vote would mark the beginning of democracy-driven politics in Bangladesh?
In this election, political parties have nominated female candidates in only 3.4 per cent of the seats. Some of these candidates are nominated not as independent figures but due to family connections. Jamaat-e-Islami has not fielded any female candidates. In a recent interview with Al Jazeera, Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman stated that no woman can hold a leadership position in their party. However, he noted that the party is preparing to nominate female candidates.
After much drama and negotiation, the NCP promised a moderate approach in politics by allying with Islamist parties. Before forming an alliance, NCP had a list of 125 candidates, including 14 women. Several female politicians resigned from the party after the alliance with Jamaat was formed. This election, they have two female candidates.
Thousands of female activists from Jamaat-e-Islami have been canvassing over the past few months, reaching out to female voters. While there are allegations of using religion as a tactic to attract votes and even collecting voter ID cards from citizens, the party has also faced attacks while campaigning. One focal point of Jamaat's publicity has been the obstacles faced by their female activists during the campaign.
In some regions, candidates and leaders do not hesitate to make derogatory remarks and exhibit disrespectful behaviour towards women. In a television programme by a private channel, a candidate from the Barisal-5 constituency refused to sit on the same stage with a female BASAD candidate. In Barguna-2, while campaigning for a Jamaat candidate, a party leader said, "We have seen how, after the DUCSU elections, the DUCSU, which was a hub for drugs and prostitution, was transformed by the Islamic Chhatra Shibir." This sparked outrage, leading to his removal from all party positions.
Online hatred and vitriolic campaigns against female candidates and women have surged terrifyingly in the digital realm, with anti-women ''verbal wars'' becoming a popular political weapon for some. Narendra Modi in India and Donald Trump in the USA are prime examples of how organised, planned ''hate campaigns'' against a particular community can be a major tool for attracting voters.
Political leaders are claiming to want to establish rights and honour for women. The question is, if they are sincere about women's dignity and respect, why do they maintain ''bot armies'' on social media?
After the mass uprising in 2024, while pledges for an inclusive and pluralistic society were made across the board, it was women who were increasingly marginalised over the last 17 months. The misogynistic environment on the campaign trail is a continuation of the past 17 months. During this period, women's scope in public spaces has dwindled, with targeted ''hate campaigns'' against them on social media.
Women have been attacked in various ways outside the home or in public spaces. Unfortunately, very few political parties have protested against mob violence online and offline.
When the election is drawing near, those saying ''no'' to female candidates are employing ''yes'' strategies to attract voters. That is nothing but political hypocrisy.
*Monoj Dey, editorial assistant at Prothom Alo
* Views expressed are the author's own.
#This article, originally published in Prothom Alo online edition, has been rewritten in English by Rabiul Islam