A special interview with IGP Baharul Alam was published in Prothom Alo on 20 October 2025. The day before, I saw him on television saying, “Let the police administration function free from government or administrative influence.” The interview, however, did not seem particularly distinctive. During this critical time in the country, the police chief—an officer of remarkable skill and a distinguished career—appears not to have fulfilled the expectations placed on him when he was entrusted with such responsibility.
No, I am not blaming him. Nor am I questioning his competence. But perhaps the expectation was that he would be able to reorganise the post-uprising police force—whether that expectation was realistic or not. After such a major mass uprising, when the entire police and administrative structure had collapsed, he was expected to rebuild it—reshaping the force to meet the demands of the present and guide it in the transition from fascism to democracy. Unfortunately, he could not accomplish that.
I admit, this is not an easy task. I also admit that it is primarily the government’s responsibility. And yes, unless the government takes special initiative, no IGP or officer can achieve this alone. But the existing administration and government are not opposed to this idea I have mentioned. They may lack the experience to do it themselves—but IGP Baharul Alam and other senior officers surely have that experience.
The government seemed to have wanted to handle it separately. Why? I do not know. Nor have we seen any results. In fact, it appears there are none. No sense of public respect or confidence has been restored in the police force. And within the force itself, the trauma remains unresolved. Officers still seem unsure when and how to perform their duties. Most of the time, they act as silent spectators. Yet since 5 August, one of the top priorities should have been to restructure the police—to ensure domestic law and order and to prepare for the coming election, whenever it may take place.
With the upcoming election, what we need is a capable, professional, and impartial police force—one that can ensure a credible and high-quality election, free from any malign influence. Their experience should have been used to build such a force. But we have seen no such initiative. The police appear unchanged—or perhaps even more inactive.
During last year’s movement, many grave incidents occurred. Members of the police committed excesses—acts that were almost crimes against humanity. They indiscriminately opened fire and killed around a thousand people. As a result, public anger has turned sharply against the police, leaving the force traumatised. Many officers are now afraid to perform their duties. But this situation cannot continue indefinitely. In just three to three and a half months, an election is due—and we will need the police.
We cannot import a new police force, nor can we create one overnight. We must move forward with the one we have. Those who committed crimes against humanity—those involved in extrajudicial killings and crossfires—must face justice. But the rest must be assured by the government that they can perform their duties without fear. The government must guarantee their safety and security.
No one has made any such statement. Nor have I seen any such initiative. Yet, at this moment, the most crucial task is the reorganisation of the police force. By “this moment,” I do not mean merely the closing months of 2025. Rather, the responsibility existed from the time we achieved victory in last year’s uprising. Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus himself has said this more than once—his priority is the police.
We had heard quite a few discussions about police reform. IGP Baharul Alam mentioned that nearly a decade ago there was a commission, and a report was likely published. But in the recent reform commission—later renamed the “Consensus Commission”—the issue of police reform was not even discussed.
The government seemed to have wanted to handle it separately. Why? I do not know. Nor have we seen any results. In fact, it appears there are none. No sense of public respect or confidence has been restored in the police force. And within the force itself, the trauma remains unresolved. Officers still seem unsure when and how to perform their duties. Most of the time, they act as silent spectators. Yet since 5 August, one of the top priorities should have been to restructure the police—to ensure domestic law and order and to prepare for the coming election, whenever it may take place.
It was the responsibility of the current government to carry out this reform within the police force—but nothing has been done. Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus has met with the police twice. Yet, those meetings failed to restore confidence within the force or respect among the public toward the police. But this situation cannot continue indefinitely.With only about three to three and a half months left before the election, no one seems hopeful that a credible election can be held with the current state of the police. Still, I would say, “It is better late than never.”
We are trying to move from fascism to democracy. For that, we need a police force suited to a democratic state. But will that happen now? Do we still have time? Has any meaningful reform taken place? We do not know. From what ordinary people observe, they still cannot place their trust in the police. Even IGP Baharul Alam himself has admitted this.
As I said earlier, unless the government takes the initiative—unless it becomes proactive—the police will not be proactive either; in fact, they will be unable to act at all. I accept that. Yet I must ask: does the police force truly have no capacity to take initiative on its own? Could not the IGP—or a group of officers—have set an example?
IGP Baharul Alam has spoken about keeping the police free from political influence, which is indeed essential. In this context, he also emphasised transparency in recruitment. His main point is that the police should be allowed to operate free from the influence of partisan politics.
For this reason, IGP Baharul Alam has made a proposal—particularly regarding recruitment—which I found quite commendable. Until now, police appointments have been made entirely on partisan considerations. He suggested forming a committee to oversee this process. His proposal was to establish a Police Commission comprising a judge from the Appellate Division, two members of parliament each from the ruling and opposition parties, a human rights activist, and a university teacher. This commission would first recommend three names for the position of the highest-ranking police officer, from which the government would select one. The recruitment process would be conducted in accordance with this procedure.
It was the responsibility of the current government to carry out this reform within the police force—but nothing has been done. Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus has met with the police twice. Yet, those meetings failed to restore confidence within the force or respect among the public toward the police. But this situation cannot continue indefinitely.
With only about three to three and a half months left before the election, no one seems hopeful that a credible election can be held with the current state of the police. Still, I would say, “It is better late than never.”
There is still time. In these remaining months, the government should at least take the initiative—call the political parties together and begin the process. IGP Baharul Alam has not taken full responsibility upon himself for ensuring a fair election; rather, he has said that the cooperation of all stakeholders is essential. Above all, without the support of the people and the political parties, neither the police nor any other force can achieve this alone.
#Mahmudur Rahman Manna, President, Nagorik Oikya
#The opinions expressed are the writer’s own.