The law enforcement with great fanfare has announced that it is out to search and nab the devils. After the planned attack on the students and general people in Gazipur, this operation created a sense of relief among many and they expressed this on social media. When the law enforcement agencies announced this operation in such a grand manner, it brought to mind the much touted crackdown on narcotics. But that “operation” was a dark chapter in our history.
In reaction to the speech delivered by Sheikh Hasina, who has fled to India, much happened in Bangladesh on 5 February. The house of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Dhanmondi 32 was razed to the ground following an announcement to this end. In at least 35 districts all over the country, the houses of important Awami League leaders were attacked, broken and set on fire. Then came the Gazipur incident. For three or four days Bangladesh saw a spate of anarchy. Now that the heated agitation has abated, it is time for a dispassionate analysis. It needs to be assessed what had happened or what was allowed to happen, how it happened and what the future impact of this will be.
The attacks, arson and demolition of the Awami League leaders' houses all over the country happened at a time when the army is on the ground with full magistracy powers to bring law and order under situation. So the occurrences that took place after 5 February raise significant questions. Does the government realise what a big question this has raised concerning state capabilities?
It is only natural for the people to be enraged at the political activities of the fallen autocrat Sheikh Hasina. After 15 years of clinging to power by committing crimes against humanity, she should have been on trial in our custody. If, for strategic reasons, we take it that there is nil possibility of India sending Sheikh Hasina back to Bangladesh, the people had expected that at least she would remain silent. In an interview with the Indian media outlet PTI, less than a month since he took over, chief advisor Professor Yunus said, "If India wants to keep her until the time Bangladesh (government) wants her back, the condition would be that she has to keep quiet," But instead, sitting in India Sheikh Hasina went on issuing all sorts of menacing threats to the chief advisor, other advisors and the coordinators. She went all out to create anarchy in Bangladesh in the name of political programmes.
Sheikh Hasina's statements certainly infuriated the people, but was this anger greater than that of 5 August, or even anywhere close to it? Why did houses which were not attacked and destroyed at the peak of public fury after Sheikh Hasina's fall, come under attack six months later when the anger was comparatively less? It is obvious that there must have been some sort of conspiracy and instigation behind this. Why did the state intelligence agencies not aware of this in advance? After the attack on Dhanmondi 32, calls were made to attack the other Awami League leaders; houses across the country, but why were no adequate measures adopted even them to tackle the situation?
The government's inadequacies in various areas of maintaining law and order are now recognised by all. Roads are blocked in the name of demonstrations for various demands, creating public sufferings. Criminal activities are taking place. The government's abilities to tackle are this are questionable.
There are many incidents taking place that fuel the narratives of Bangladesh going into the hands of Islamic extremists. Mazars (shrines) were destroyed by certain quarters. The International Organisation of Sufism in 26 January alleged that 80 shrines and darbars were attacked, damaged looted and set on fire in Bangladesh. Some of these incidents took place just within weeks of the government taking over power. The rest took place later. Even in January some mazars came under attack. Then in various places of the country baul songs and fairs were closed down. Women's football matches were obstructed. Actresses were even prevented from inaugurating retail outlets and showrooms. It is clear that certain opportunists are at work. We have no idea what steps the government is taking against them.
During the rule of the present government we can certainly keep faith that no such extrajudicial killings will take place. But as the law enforcement agencies have been steeped in such a culture and for so long, there are possibilities of death in custody, arresting on false charges and such.
Many are seeing a link between all this and the meeting between India prime minister Narendra Modi and US president Donald Trump during the former's US visit scheduled for 12-13 February. It is almost certain that Bangladesh will be an issue during that visit, according to a press briefing by Indian foreign secretary Vikram Misri, who also referred to diplomatic uncertainties. India has gained much fodder over the last few days for their narrative that Bangladesh is going into the hands of fundamentalists, the minorities are under threat and anarchy prevails in the country.
More important than what challenges we may face from foreign powers in the prevailing situation, is how our internal circumstances are at present. Vested quarters are encouraged to take up all sorts of misdeeds when a weak and ineffective government is at the helm. This is creating serious apprehensions regarding our state's advancing towards democracy.
The joint forces' Operation Devil Hunt was launched in this context.
According to the police, over a thousand persons have been arrested in this drive so far. We may well ask, when there are so many 'devils' in the society, why had the government been inactive about them for so many months? By having a special operation following a special announcement, does this not indicate that the law enforcement activities had not been functioning properly all these days?
We do not have good experiences concerning special operations of the law enforcement in the past. Towards the end of 2019 RAB declared war against narcotics. This was in the wake of horrific incidents in Cox's Bazar, Teknaf and the rest of the country. RAB launched an operation against drugs, yaba in particular. In this operation, over 200 people, allegedly drug traders, were victims of extrajudicial killing in the Cox's Bazar belt. The list of such killings would have certainly been much longer had retired Major Sinha Md Rashed not been shot dead in an incident of extrajudicial killing in 2022.
During the rule of the present government we can certainly keep faith that no such extrajudicial killings will take place. But as the law enforcement agencies have been steeped in such a culture and for so long, there are possibilities of death in custody, arresting on false charges and such. There was quite an uproar on social media recently when Jubo Dal leader Touhidul Islam died in custody of the joint forces, though over the past five months at least 17 persons died in custody of the law enforcement, according to the human rights organisation Ain O Salish Kendra. Needless to say, all this occurred as a result of torture. Yet according to the Torture and Custodial Death (Prevent) Act 2013, 'torture' is defined as any act which causes physical or mental pain.
Upholding law and order should be a daily priority of the government, rather than taking risky steps such as special operations. The government must keep in mind, experience can be used as an excuse for failure for one or two months, perhaps, but the people are not likely to accept anything longer than that.
* Zahed Ur Rahman is a university teacher and a political analyst
* This column appeared in the print an online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir