The coming together of two celebrations—the birth centenary of the father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the 50th anniversary of the independence of Bangladesh—remind us once again about the uniqueness of the creation of Bangladesh and Bangabandhu’s pivotal role in this creation. Bangladesh was the first instance of an ethnic-linguistic nationalist movement succeeding in gaining sovereign state status in the post-colonial period. No other nationalist movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America had that distinction before. What was also remarkable was our success in breaking out of the colonial rule of Pakistan within a relatively short period of twenty-four years.
The achievement of statehood was by no means an easy or certain proposition. Our struggle for the assertion of ethnic-linguistic identity together with the struggle for establishing a democratic polity and a just socio-economic order started almost immediately after the creation of Pakistan, and grew in strength all through the 1950s and 1960s. However the whole Bangali nation was mobilized behind the demand for self-rule only after 1966 when Bangabandhu started his Six-Point movement. His unique contribution was his ability to mobilise all sections of the Bangali population and keep them united under his leadership till he was able to realise his dream of Bangladesh.
The history of our nationalist struggle has been told many times by many people. Here I shall discuss the common threads in the development of our nationalist movement, highlighting the evolution of our nationalist discourse and the catalytic role played by Bangabandhu’s leadership in steering our nationalist struggle towards independence.
The nationalist movement in the 1950s: Major issues
Five issues—language, democracy, autonomy, religion and economic disparity—dominated our nationalist discourse in the 1950s. These issues gradually alienated us from the Pakistani rulers and formed the core agenda of our nationalist struggle.
Recognition of Bengali as a state language was the first issue that propelled our nationalist movement. Within a few months after the establishment of Pakistan, in February 1948, when Jinnah declared that only Urdu will be the state language, Dhaka University students protested. Bangabandhu, then a student of law in the university, was one of the protesters who was imprisoned, the first of his many arrests by the Pakistani rulers. Not only students but Bangali opposition members of the Constituent Assembly also demanded the recognition of Bengali as a state language.
The language issue became even more critical after February 21, 1952 when police fire killed protesters demanding recognition of Bengali as a state language. The student-led language movement spread from Dhaka to all over the country and the state language issue gained wide spread mass support.
The potency of the language issue and the emerging power of the students as a political force was demonstrated when the ruling Muslim League government was routed in the East Bengal provincial election in 1954. Recognition of Bengali as a state language was the first point in the 21-point election manifesto of the electoral alliance Jukto Front that defeated the Muslim League. However, it took another two years of relentless struggle before Bengali was finally recognised as a state language in 1956.
The second major issue fuelling our nationalist struggle was the demand for democracy. Though the Bangalis constituted the majority—54%—of the population, state power was captured by a small group of civil-military bureaucratic elite where Bangalis had no presence. The Bangali Muslim League political leaders in the central and provincial governments followed the orders of the Pakistani rulers instead of championing causes which were becoming popular in East Bengal. In his Unfinished Memoirs, Bangabandhu writes that he felt the need to form an organization that “could take the role of the opposition” to challenge the authoritarian rule of the Muslim League. Thus, the Awami League was founded in 1949 with Maulana Bhasani as president, Shamsul Huq as general secretary and Bangabandhu as the joint secretary. Bangabandhu became the general secretary of the party in 1953 and became the president of the Awami League in 1966.
The Awami League soon emerged as the party with the most popular support winning 143 seats out of Jukto Front’s total of 223 seats in the East Bengal Provincial Assembly elections but within 90 days Jukto Front government was dismissed and Pakistani rulers imposed central government rule and this continued for another two years. Indeed all through the 1950s Pakistani rulers pursued a policy of frustrating efforts by the Bangalis to democratically express their views. The Pakistani rulers kept postponing national elections and finally in 1958 the military directly took over power when it appeared that the Awami League was poised to win a victory in the forthcoming national election.
Regional autonomy was the third major issue propounded by the Bangali nationalists, again, almost immediately after the creation of Pakistan. As Bangabandhu writes in his Unfinished Memoirs he and many others joined the Pakistan movement assuming that there would be two independent Muslim majority states one in the West and another in the East on the basis of Lahore Resolution.
In 1950 rejecting the first draft of the Pakistan constitution, prepared by the Basic Principles Committee (BPC), the Bangali political opposition led by the Awami League organised a Grand National Convention and put forward an alternative proposal for constitution which recommended a plan of regional autonomy where only two subjects-defense and foreign affairs – will remain in the hands of the central government. There would be two regional foreign offices and two regional defense forces manned by the people of the regions. The central government’s taxation power was also kept limited to a few specific items. The draft constitution proposed establishment of a ‘socialist republic’.
The 21-point election manifesto in 1954 reiterated demand for regional autonomy and proposed only three subjects for the central government: defense, foreign affairs and currency. As we know the regional autonomy demand gained even more momentum in the 1960s and the Six-Point programme of 1966 brought us much closer to our dream of independence.
Role of religion in politics was the fourth major issue that set Bangali nationalists apart from the Pakistanis. The Bangali nationalists believed in communal harmony not only between Hindus and Muslims, but also between all communities, between Bangalis and non- Bangalis and between different sects within the Muslim community.
In 1955, the Awami League dropped the word Muslim from its title which was originally adopted in 1949. The party also came out in support of joint electorate for Hindus and Muslims. These were steps forward in the gradual process of assertion of our secular national identity. In various speeches delivered in the Pakistan National Assembly in 1955 Bangabandhu clearly articulated his secular principles. He opposed the proposal to name Pakistan an Islamic republic, and rejected separate electorate. He argued that Muslims wanted Pakistan not on the question of religion but on the question of economy. In all his writings and public speeches he stood firm against using religion for political or personal gains.
The cultural activists resisted the attempt by the Pakistani rulers to prohibit the singing of Tagore songs or wearing of teep on the forehead. The policy of complete political suppression and denial of opportunities for democratic political participation led Bangali nationalists to focus more on self-rule rather than participate in the Pakistani political system
The final major issue for the Bangali nationalists was economic disparity between the two wings of Pakistan. From the mid 1950s Bangali economists as well as politicians started talking about economic exploitation of East Bengal and transfer of resources from the East to build up the economy of West Pakistan. The Awami League published a pamphlet called Why Autonomy? focusing on economic reasons for regional autonomy. Studies by Bangali economists were also published for the first time giving a sophisticated economic analysis of disparity between East and West Pakistan. Again as we know the economic disparity argument emerged front and center in the 1960s and formed the basis of the Six-Point programme.
Nationalist Movement in the 1960s: From Autonomy to Independence
Though all through the 1960s Pakistan was under military rule when political activities were either banned or restricted the Bangali nationalist movement succeeded in gaining momentum. When political leaders were imprisoned the nationalist causes were picked up by other actors-academics, civil society and cultural activists, trade unionists and so on. The Bangali economists further developed the concept of economic disparity. They started advocating the thesis of “two economies” and popularized the idea through writing in the mass media. The cultural activists resisted the attempt by the Pakistani rulers to prohibit the singing of Tagore songs or wearing of teep on the forehead. The policy of complete political suppression and denial of opportunities for democratic political participation led Bangali nationalists to focus more on self-rule rather than participate in the Pakistani political system. Bangabandhu and other young political activists started thinking about separation from Pakistan and establishing an independent state.
The Six-Point programme which Bangabandhu presented in 1966 after becoming the president of the Awami League was a radical departure from past autonomy demands. It proposed a near independent status for East Bengal. Six Points proposed giving only two subjects-defense and foreign affairs - to the central government and called for separate currencies and foreign exchange reserves, separate taxation, fiscal, monetary, trade and banking policies and so on. Six Points called for establishment of separate military or paramilitary forces for East Bengal. It also reiterated demands for a parliamentary democracy.
Bangabandhu campaigned all over the country to build support for Six Points. The campaign put renewed emphasis on linguistic nationalism. Street corner meetings and widespread picketing resulted in almost overnight shift of writing public sign boards and name plates from English to Bengali scripts. In addition to students and urban intellectuals, the Six-Point movement witnessed participation of new group of activists, e.g. industrial workers and urban poor such as basti dwellers, rickshaw pullers etc. in the nationalist struggle. For the first time protesters directed their anger against local symbols of government authority such as police stations, banks, government building etc. thus demonstrating the growing radicalisation of the nationalist movement.
The Pakistani rulers tried to suppress the movement. Bangabandhu and many Awami League leaders were imprisoned. Pakistan government brought sedition charge against Bangabandhu in the Agartala conspiracy case. However these policies of oppression and suppression only led to the next big nationalist movement of 1969. The movement was led by students but it also drew support from leftist political parties. The student’s Eleven-Point demand included the Six Points and also added other issues such as nationalisation of banking, insurance and big business, better wages for workers etc. These proposals were added to appeal to workers and peasants who participated in the 1969 movement.
Under pressure of widespread popular movement Bangabandhu was released from prison and in a mammoth public meeting he was accorded the title of Bangabandhu by the students.
The period of 1969-70 witnessed an unprecedented mass mobilisation campaign undertaken by Bangabandhu to unite the whole nation behind his call for self-rule. The military ruler Ayub Khan fell from power in 1969, but a new military ruler Yahya Khan took over. Yahya agreed to hold national general elections in Pakistan in 1970, the first in the country’s history of twenty-three years. Yahya also accepted two demands of the Bangali nationalists-parliamentary seats according to population and joint electorate. Bangabandhu used the election campaign to spread his message of re-establishing Sonar Bangla. During the election campaign East Bengal was referred to as Bangladesh and other nationalist symbols and slogans were used. The election results of 1970 gave Bangabandhu an overwhelming mandate to speak on behalf of the nation. He won 167 out of 169 seats making him the leader of the majority party in the National Assembly entitled to form the central government. He also won overwhelming majority in the provincial Assembly.
Millions remained committed and united behind the National Liberation war. This unity was made possible by Bangabandhu’s unique leadership and bonding with the people of Bangladesh
The unity of the Bangali nation under Bangabandhu’s leadership was on display all through March 1971. When he called for non- co-operation movement on March 7, 1971 even government officials followed his instructions. By mid-March Bangabandhu became the de facto head of government in Bangladesh. Indeed from mid-March 1971, the Bangalis began to feel that they ware citizen of a sovereign country. This sense of freedom explains why and how the whole nation spontaneously took up arms for the National Liberation War after the independence of Bangladesh was formally declared in the name of Bangabandhu on March 26, 1971.
Bangabandhu and Bangladesh
The brief narration above shows how Bangabandhu was involved from 1948 onwards in all milestone moments of our nationalist struggle. In the 1950s he built the Awami League as a mass-based organisation and he himself emerged as the most uncompromising proponent of the nationalist cause. In the 1960s he put forward a programme of action – Six-points - that caught the imagination of the nation. For the first time a political leader clearly articulated a vision of a separate political future for East Bengal.
During the election campaign of 1969-70 Bangabandhu succeeded in taking his message of a separate national and territorial identity to every village and inspired people to be united as one people under his leadership. The slogan Ek neta Ek desh, Bangabandhu, Bangladesh symbolised this oneness of the nation with Bangabandhu. This identification with Bangabandhu’s leadership ensured the Awami League’s overwhelming electoral mandate in 1970.
It was again this identification of the nation with his leadership that led to the peaceful and de facto transfer of power from Pakistani military rulers to Bangabandhu in March 1971. He had the moral authority to speak on behalf of the Bangali nation and issue commands which were willingly followed by millions of people. Independence of Bangladesh was declared in Bangabandhu’s name and the nine month long National Liberation War was also waged in his name. His name had to be repeatedly invoked because his overwhelming electoral mandate and unprecedented popular support gave legitimacy to our National Liberation War. People inside and outside Bangladesh knew and trusted only him as the legitimate leader.
Though we have gone through various phases in our nationalist struggle, our final phase was the most difficult and perilous. It required the willing support of millions of people to undergo the sufferings inflicted by a genocidal war. And millions remained committed and united behind the National Liberation war. This unity was made possible by Bangabandhu’s unique leadership and bonding with the people of Bangladesh.
Rounaq Jahan is a political scientist and distinguished fellow, CPD