Aziz and Benazir have been the talk of the town for the past two weeks or so. Actually, it would be more accurate to say 'talk of the country.' Certain extremely significant incidents transpired over a short span of time concerning these two persons. There are similarities in the incidents, just as there are dissimilarities. Interestingly, certain questions on the Benazir and Aziz issue are being evaded, or are still outside the ambit of discussions.
2.
There had been all indications for quite some time that the former Inspector General of Police (IGP), Benazir Ahmed, once the apple of the government's eye, had fallen from favour. And the US sanctions slapped on the former army chief Aziz Ahmed came like a bolt from the blue.
On 14 May the US assistant secretary of state Donald Lu came on a two-day visit to Dhaka. There was a general idea among many that he had come to deliver a message of 'putting bitterness aside and taking relations ahead.' But within just a few days of his departure, on the night of 21 May, the news broke of sanctions on Aziz.
From the turn of events it seems as if the government on its own accord decided to take steps against Benazir. On the other hand, the US sanctions on Aziz caught the government unawares.
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Questions have arisen as to whether the government can evade liability for Benazir and Aziz's corruption and illegal activities. In such circumstances, the government and the ruling party are terming their misdeeds as their personal individual offences. (Benazir and Aziz's crimes are of them as individuals, they must be punished: Obaidul Quader, Samakal, 29 May 2004). So naturally the question arises, what were their crimes?
Most of the discussions in the media and the public regarding the orders to investigate and seize Benazir's assets and also regarding the US sanctions on Aziz, focus on the allegations of their corruption and abuse of power.
The centre of the discussions till now has been how they and their families amassed such wealth and property, how they resorted to illegal means, misused their power and took all sorts of undue advantages. But are the "offences" of these two persons just limited to that?
Aziz may have been sanctioned by the US only now, but Benazir has long been under US sanctions. It was back in 2021 that the US imposed sanctions on six serving and former officers of RAB (Rapid Action Battalion). The name of the former director general (DG) of RAB, Benazir Ahmed, was on the list too. This sanction was imposed on charges of human rights violations. The government, at the time, rejected these allegations.
Benazir was in three important positions for three consecutive terms (2009-2024) of the Awami League government. He was first the Dhaka Metropolitan Police's commissioner, then the RAB DG and then, finally, the inspector general of police (IGP). His support for the ruling party was quite apparent in this words and deeds. He would often threaten to take serious action against the opposition. The opposition alleges that he put the police force to use in the ruling party’s interests during the 2018 national election. So the allegations against Benazir do not pertain just to corruption alone, but also to human rights violations and obstruction of the democratic process.
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Like Benazir, Aziz too held vital positions during the rule of the Awami League government. He was first the director general of BGB (Border Guard Bangladesh) and then the chief of army staff. Aziz had been the army chief during the 2018 election. The circumstances during that election were different. There were innumerable allegations of the activists and candidates of the opposition being arrested during the election and the ruling party attacking the opposition. At such a time, he said, "I have never seen such a calm and peaceful situation in the last 47 years." (I have never seen such a calm and peaceful situation in the last 47 years: Army chief, Ittefaq, 29 December 2018)
The questions that must be forcefully asked are whether Benazir and Aziz will be tried for violating human rights and obstructing democracy. Those in power benefited by the misdeeds of these two. The government in this case has greater liability. So why will the government put them on trial?
On 1 February 2021, Al Jazeera aired a documentary called “All the Prime Minister’s Men.” The documentary highlighted various allegations regarding the activities of the army chief at the time Aziz and his brothers. No heed was paid to these allegations back then. In fact, attempts were made to dismiss this as anti-government propaganda.
Interestingly, when announcing the sanction on Aziz, the US state department website said “…his (Aziz Ahmed) actions have contributed to the undermining of Bangladesh’s democratic institutions and the public’s faith in public institutions and processes.” (Prothom Alo Online, 21 May 2024)
The sanction placed on Aziz was not under the visa policy that the US had declared, but under a different law. ‘Kleptocracy’ is one of the offences for which sanctions are imposed under this law. In the present-day context, ‘kleptocracy’ refers to the state system of autocrats and oligarchs. Such a system does not involve petty or personal crime, but extensive political corruption involving a large syndicate of powerful quarters.
5.
While the general secretary of the ruling party Obaidul Quader said that Benazir and Aziz would certainly be punished, there is no guarantee that this will eventually transpire. The government’s stance concerning them is not clear. It is not clear who will get leeway for past and present deeds and who will pay the price.
Under these circumstances the questions that must be forcefully asked are whether Benazir and Aziz will be tried for violating human rights and obstructing democracy. Those in power benefited by the misdeeds of these two. The government in this case has greater liability. So why will the government put them on trial?
Benazir and Aziz were part of a system. Now that they are no longer needed, their importance has diminished. But the system hasn’t changed. There must be many like Benazir and Aziz who are thriving and walking down the path of their predecessors. Unless the system is changed, it will never be possible to put them on trial for violating human rights and destroying democracy.
* Monzurul Islam is a senior sub-editor at Prothom Alo
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir