Main entrace of Rajshahi University
Main entrace of Rajshahi University

Post-uprising universities-3

Discipline restored at Rajshahi University halls, dissatisfaction with services persists

Prior to the political shift of 2024, Rajshahi University repeatedly made headlines for incidents such as the forced eviction of students from residential halls, seat-trading, and student torture. Following this political transition, a sense of relief has returned to the residential halls. Discipline has been restored, and the allocation of residency has returned to an orderly system.

However, comprehensive reforms aligned with student expectations remain unseen.

Due to deep dissatisfaction with the quality of services, students still derisively refer to the medical centre as the ‘Napa Centre’. Complaints regarding the quality of food in the dining halls are ceaseless. Furthermore, allegations of political considerations influencing administrative appointments, ranging from the Vice-Chancellor to various administrative posts, persist just as before. The lack of digital facilities in administrative operations also continues to cause significant distress to students.

Amidst the changed environment brought about by the student-public uprising of 2024, the Rajshahi University Central Students’ Union (RUCSU) elections were held for the first time in 35 years.

A panel backed by Islami Chhatra Shibir secured victory in 20 out of 23 posts, including those of Vice-President (VP) and Assistant General Secretary (AGS). Although this panel, named the ‘Combined Student Alliance’, promised 24 reforms within 12 months to address student demands, students report that the vast majority of these remain ‘elusive’.

Discipline restored at residential halls

According to university sources, prior to the political shift on 5 August (2024), the residential halls were under the absolute dominance of the Bangladesh Chhatra League, an organisation that has since been banned.

Every hall featured rooms or ‘political blocks’ designated under the names of its leaders and activists. Securing a seat without the recommendation of Chhatra League leaders was as rare as a ‘blue moon’. The eviction and torture of students from their rooms had become a daily occurrence.

The practice of forcing students to attend political meetings and rallies was also entrenched. Furthermore, the practice of issuing formal residency notices and allocating seats through proper procedures had become entirely obsolete.

However, the scenario began to transform following the student-public uprising. Within the ultimatum stipulated by the administration, non-residents and illegal occupants vacated their seats. Residential halls were cleared of weapons through joint operations conducted by the administration and law enforcement agencies.

Since then, the administration has been allocating seats based strictly on merit lists. Although some individuals have accused the provosts of prioritising students from their own political factions, the culture of compulsory meetings, rallies, ‘room work’, and the politics of fear has been eradicated from the halls. Students are now living in comfort.

Nonetheless, while discipline has returned to the halls, the accommodation crisis remains unresolved. According to the university’s latest published factsheet, the total number of students stands at approximately 30,000. For them, there are 17 residential halls and one international dormitory.

Among these, 11 halls are allocated for male students and six for female students. The international dormitory houses foreign students alongside MPhil and PhD researchers. Collectively, residential facilities are available for 9,673 students. This means only 32 per cent of the total student body has the opportunity to reside in the halls.

Meanwhile, to alleviate the housing crisis, two residential halls have been under construction for a considerable period: the 10-storey ‘Bijoy 71’ hall with a capacity of 1,000 seats, and the ‘Oparajita’ hall with 800 seats.

The authorities have announced that ‘Bijoy 71’, which is 95 per cent complete, is expected to be officially inaugurated soon. On the other hand, the construction of ‘Oparajita’ hall is 65 per cent complete.

Rakib Hossain is a final-year undergraduate student in the Department of Social Work. Prior to 5 August, he tried to get a seat in the hall but failed due to Chhatra League’s occupation and the prevailing environment. He was met with demands for money or political participation in exchange for a seat. Following the political transition, however, he applied through the proper channels and secured accommodation.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, he said, “Previously, to get a room in a hall, one had to either pay money or agree to join meetings and rallies. Even then, many were subjected to torture. Taking everything into consideration, I chose not to move into a hall. But after the transition, I secured a seat based on merit. The atmosphere of fear no longer exists. I am living here far more independently than I did in a mess (private mess-lodging).”

‘We eat at the dining hall simply to survive’

Mahmudul Hasan, a student from the Department of Applied Mathematics, arrived on campus about a year ago. He resides in a student mess in the Mirzapur area adjacent to the university. Between classes, he occasionally eats lunch at the dining hall.

Describing his dining experience, he stated, “We eat at the dining hall simply to survive. Unnutritious food is served there in unhygienic conditions. The taste and quality of the food remain abysmally identical throughout the year.”

Discussions with students revealed that although the price of dining hall meals has been increased twice over the last four years, the quality has failed to improve.

On 1 July 2022, the administration raised the total cost of two daily meals by Tk 8. Consequently, the price of a lunch coupon rose from Tk 24 Taka to Tk 28, and dinner increased to Tk 22 instead of Tk 18. Following the mass uprising, citing the soaring cost of commodities and the intent to improve food quality, lunch was priced at Tk 30 and dinner at Tk 25.

Furthermore, whilst various mashed sides (bhorta) were previously available for Tk 2, students must now shell out an additional Tk 3 to consume them. Canteen food prices have also risen.

Currently, the dining halls provide lunch and dinner. Both meals consist of rice and watery lentils served with either fish, chicken, or an egg.

Sabur Ali has been working as a dining hall employee at the university’s Madar Bux Hall since 1994. Commenting on the quality of the food, he noted that before the Covid-19 pandemic, a kilogram of chicken was cut into 15 to 18 pieces. Just prior to the uprising, it was being stretched into 25 pieces. Currently, it is cut into 18 to 20 pieces.

Expressing his dissatisfaction with the quality of food, Md. Ibrahim, a residential student, told Prothom Alo that there has been no change in the quality of meals at the dining hall. Conversely, prices have been hiked at various times under various pretexts. The coarse rice and watery lentils remain exactly as they were. Despite the price increases, the size of the fish and chicken portions has not changed; if compared to the past, the pieces have actually shrunk. Although the administration and RUCSU assured that subsidies would be provided, no visible progress has been made.

‘Napa Centre’ remains unchanged

In July last year, Moumita Zaman, a student from the Department of Bengali, passed away after contracting dengue fever. Alleging negligence on the part of the medical centre and irresponsibility from the administration, students formed a human chain on 17 July, following which they hung a banner renaming the medical centre the ‘Napa Centre’.

Students allege that no advanced medical care is available at the university’s medical centre. Aside from a critical shortage of necessary physicians, patients are often merely handed Napa tablets for almost any ailment. In the majority of cases, patients are referred to Rajshahi Medical College Hospital (RMCH). Despite assurances of reform from the post-July administration, no action has materialised.

According to sources within the university’s medical centre, students have been receiving various services including X-rays, Electrocardiography (ECG), physiotherapy, blood pressure monitoring, and ultrasonography from the time prior to the political shift of 5 August. Additionally, approximately 60 types of medicines are supplied.

Regarding this issue, Joyita Roy, a student from the Department of Folklore and Social Development Studies, told Prothom Alo that students are often referred to RMCH for advanced treatment without completing basic necessary care at the university clinic. Furthermore, the shortage of physicians and nurses compounds the students’ distress. Moreover, required medicines are frequently unavailable after consultation.

When asked, Chief Medical Officer Mafruha Siddiqua Lipi stated that in response to student demands, the medical centre is now being kept open on Saturdays. Electrocardiography (ECG) services, which had been suspended for a long period, have been reinstated. An ESR (Erythrocyte Sedimentation Rate) analyser machine has been added to the pathology department. Alongside plans to increase the medicine supply, a budget proposal of Tk 10 million has been submitted, up from the previous allocation of Tk 4.7 million. Additionally, a gynaecologist has been appointed to cater to the medical needs of female students.

Identical plights in bureaucratic services

Despite widespread demands for the digitalisation of various student-centric administrative operations at the university, nothing has been implemented save for the modernisation of the degree certificate withdrawal process.

Although Chhatra Shibir, who won the RUCSU elections held after 35 years, promised changes in their manifesto, no visible progress has been observed. One of their pledges within the “24 reforms in 12 months” was ‘One App, All Solutions’.

However, to ease student hardships, the administration took the initiative to modernise the certificate withdrawal process in April last year. Certificates are now issued within five working days of successfully completing an error-free online application.

Detailing the ordeal of form fulfilment, Muhammad Miraj Uddin, a student from the Department of Management Studies, told Prothom Alo that it took him two days to complete his examination form. He had to navigate various administrative tasks and stand in long queues to deposit money at the bank.

He expressed that undergoing such frantic running around to fill out forms just days before examinations is deeply exhausting and distressing. Had this service been available online from the comfort of home, their hardships would have been mitigated.

Professor Mohammad Main Uddin, the recently departed Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the university, claimed that significant changes have occurred on campus following the uprising.

Speaking to Prothom Alo, he said that a major overhaul has been introduced to the teacher recruitment framework. Through this, it has been possible to recruit qualified teachers to the university after a long period. Incentives are being provided to encourage faculty research. The jobs of officers and employees who faced long-term discrimination have been permanented. The Alumni Association and RUCSU have been formed through elections. Measures have also been taken to forward a development project worth Tk 34 billion to ECNEC. Furthermore, initiatives have been launched to keep the campus neat and clean.

Administrative appointments based on party considerations

According to the university’s 1973 Ordinance, the Vice-Chancellor is supposed to be appointed from a three-member panel elected by the Senate; however, this rule has been ignored for a long time. Even after the uprising, the trend of appointing the Vice-Chancellor based on party affiliation continues just as before.

Simultaneously, the practice of appointing individuals to various administrative positions—including Pro-Vice-Chancellor, Registrar, Proctor, Treasurer, Public Relations Administrator, and Provosts—based on political alignment remains the norm.

Following the mass uprising, individuals who were active on the streets during the protests were brought into top administrative roles: Professor Saleh Hasan Naqib was appointed as Vice-Chancellor, Professor Farid Uddin as Pro-Vice-Chancellor, and Iftekharul Islam Masud as Registrar.

Subsequently, the VC appointed faculty members known to be close to him and leaning towards Jamaat-e-Islami to other administrative posts. Students noted that only a handful of positions were held by BNP-leaning teachers.

Barely two months after the BNP government assumed office, a change was instituted in the Vice-Chancellor position. Professor Md. Faridul Islam, the General Secretary of the university’s Zia Parishad, was appointed for a four-year term.

Most recently, last Wednesday (20 May), the two Pro-Vice-Chancellors appointed during the interim government were removed and replaced by two new individuals. The newly appointed Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Administration), Professor Abdul Alim, is the current President of the university branch of the Nationalist Teachers’ Forum. The Pro-Vice-Chancellor (Education), Professor Mamunur Rashid, serves as the President of the university branch of UTAB, an association of BNP-leaning teachers.

Rumours are circulating across the campus that changes to other administrative positions will follow shortly.

Professor AKM Masud Reza (Shouvik Reza) of the Department of Bengali was one of the faculty members who acted as a shield for students during the July 2024 mass uprising.

When questioned about the perceived changes, he told Prothom Alo, “Nobody’s fortune has changed. Following the political transition, there was a major expectation on campus that the VC would be democratically elected; however, Mr Yunus walked down the exact same path shown by his predecessors. The elected Tarique Rahman also made appointments based on political ideology. Awami League-leaning Deans were removed from the campus. They were elected Deans—they weren’t elected simply because they were Awami League supporters. Why, then, were other Deans not removed?”

Expressing misgivings regarding the campus situation, Professor Masud Reza added, “Following the political shift, the student coordinators were frolicking around. Now, perhaps behind the scenes, Chhatra Dal is doing the same. Overall, there is no scope to remain at ease.”