
Interim govt issued a weaker ordinance under pressure from bureaucrats
Now the authority to recommend appointment of IGP too likely to be scrapped
The Police Commission Ordinance–2025, promulgated by the interim government as part of reforming the police force, is now being revised for presentation as a bill in the Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament).
According to sources within the Ministry of Home Affairs and the police, the ordinance originally included a provision requiring the Police Commission to recommend the appointment of the Inspector General of Police (IGP). However, it has now been advised that this provision be removed.
A ministry-level review and recommendation report on ordinances issued during the interim government states that, under Section 12 of the Police Commission Ordinance, the Commission is tasked with recommending the appointment of the IGP. It argues that entrusting such a significant state appointment to the Commission is not reasonable, and therefore the provision should be omitted.
Sources indicate that the bill may be placed before Parliament in revised form with this clause removed. This suggests that an already weak Police Commission, as outlined in the ordinance, may be weakened further. Consequently, the prospect of meaningful police reform is becoming increasingly uncertain.
The ordinance itself had already drawn criticism at the time of its promulgation. Relevant stakeholders had argued that it failed to deliver the expected reforms and instead established a weak body under the name of a Police Commission. There is now concern that the process of converting it into law may dilute it even further.
One of the strongest demands for reform has been the restructuring of the police. During the July mass uprising that led to the fall of the Awami League government, there were widespread allegations that the police had been used to suppress opposition voices, enforce disappearances, carry out torture, and manipulate elections.
The initial draft had proposed an independent, neutral, and autonomous Police Commission. However, the final ordinance defines it merely as a statutory body. The first draft’s provisions to include MPs from both the ruling and opposition parties were also removed.
During the uprising, sections of the police reportedly opened fire on students and civilians. Following the government’s fall, several senior police officials, including the then IGP Abdullah Al Mamun, were arrested, and some have since been convicted.
Participants in the July uprising and members of civil society had demanded comprehensive reform to ensure that the police remain free from political influence and become more people-oriented. However, many now fear that these expectations are fading.
Sources further reveal that although the parliamentary special committee recommended revising the ordinance, three Members of Parliament from Jamaat-e-Islami, Md Mujibur Rahman, Rafiqul Islam Khan, and GM Nazrul Islam, opposed the move and submitted a note of dissent. They supported passing the ordinance unchanged, arguing that, “in the interest of the country and out of a sense of responsibility,” the provision empowering the Commission to recommend the appointment of the IGP is crucial. According to them, such a mechanism would help ensure a professional, neutral police force free from political influence and reduce the tendency to use the police as a tool of the ruling party.
A similar attempt at police reform had been made in 2008 during the caretaker government, but it did not materialise after the Awami League assumed power.
A parliamentary special committee reviewed 133 ordinances issued during the interim government’s 18-month tenure. It recommended that 98 be placed before Parliament as bills in their original form and 15 in revised form. Of the remaining 20, four are to be repealed and 16 not to be tabled for now, effectively allowing them to lapse. The Police Commission Ordinance is among the 15 recommended for revision.
From the formation of the reform commission to the drafting process, various stakeholders had obstructed the establishment of an independent Police Commission in pursuit of their own interests.M Akbar Ali, retired police officer and president of the Police Officers’ Welfare Association
Three months after assuming office, the interim government formed a nine-member Police Reform Commission headed by former secretary Safar Raj Hossain on 3 October 2024.
The commission submitted its report on 15 January 2025, stating that it agreed in principle to the formation of a Police Commission. However, it recommended that a decision on whether the Commission should be a constitutional or statutory body be made based on expert opinion.
Initially, the recommendations of the Police Reform Commission were not included in discussions of the National Consensus Commission. Later, limited discussions took place, and a decision was made to establish an “independent Police Commission”. The July National Charter states that such a Commission would ensure professionalism and accountability within the police and make policing more citizen-friendly.
Its objectives include: 1. Ensuring that the police perform their duties lawfully, efficiently, and free from undue influence; 2. Addressing grievances raised by police personnel; 3. Resolving complaints lodged by citizens against members of the police force.
The Charter notes that 30 political parties and alliances agreed on these principles, with no dissenting opinions. It also states that the structure of the Commission would be determined through legislation passed in Parliament, though six specific proposals were listed only as optional considerations rather than mandatory provisions.
On 29 November 2025, a draft of the Police Commission Ordinance was presented at a special meeting of the Advisory Council but was not approved. Instead, further revisions were requested.
Following this, a meeting on 1 December, attended by five advisers, a special assistant to the Chief Adviser, three secretaries, and the IGP, discussed the draft. Multiple sources indicate that several provisions agreed upon in that meeting were later omitted from the version presented to the Advisory Council, raising concerns about the Commission’s weakening.
A committee led by then Law Adviser Professor Asif Nazrul prepared an earlier draft. Even in that version, the Commission was not designated as the authority governing the police; most of its powers were merely recommendatory. This drew strong criticism from police officials. The draft was later sent to the Ministry of Home Affairs, where central provisions were further removed.
It has been alleged that the bureaucracy opposed granting the Commission authority, particularly regarding the appointment of the IGP, and instead recommended retaining control within the Ministry of Home Affairs. As a result, matters such as recruitment, transfer, and promotion remained under ministerial control, while the Commission was left with limited advisory functions.
Senior police officials have stated that bureaucrats were unwilling to relinquish control over the police. On 11 November, Asif Nazrul himself remarked at an event that bureaucrats had strongly opposed provisions related to IGP appointments during inter-ministerial discussions.
After multiple revisions and setbacks, a third draft was finally approved by the Advisory Council of the interim government, leading to the promulgation of the ordinance on 9 December 2025. At the time, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) described the ordinance as “a mockery of public expectations, meaningless and self-defeating.”
The initial draft had proposed an independent, neutral, and autonomous Police Commission. However, the final ordinance defines it merely as a statutory body. The first draft’s provisions to include MPs from both the ruling and opposition parties were also removed.
Under Section 12 of the ordinance, the Commission had the authority to recommend a panel of three candidates for the IGP. Even this limited power is now at risk of being eliminated.
Taken together, there is a growing concern that the Police Commission may ultimately become a largely symbolic institution, increasing financial costs of the government without delivering meaningful reform.
Retired police officer and President of the Police Officers’ Welfare Association, M Akbar Ali, told Prothom Alo that from the formation of the reform commission to the drafting process, various stakeholders had obstructed the establishment of an independent Police Commission in pursuit of their own interests.
He added that the ordinance was hastily issued, contrary to public expectations.
Describing the approved Commission as merely “cosmetic,” Akbar Ali stated, “The proposal by the advisers’ committee itself was extremely weak. It was made even weaker in the final ordinance. A Commission structured in this way cannot function as an effective institution.”
He expressed hope that the incumbent government would reconsider these issues with genuine intent in order to rebuild the police force.