Rise of KNF: Why does KNF oppose CHT Peace Accord and JSS?

Ruma, Thanchi bank robbery: As it appears on CCTV footage
Ruma, Thanchi bank robbery: As it appears on CCTV footage

Dropping the initial demand of a separate state, the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF) now asks for an autonomous organisation, Kuki-Chin Territorial Council (KTC). Though there have been changes in several fundamental demands, KNF has not moved from one of its stand - opposing the Jana Samhati Samity (JSS) and the regional council. In fact, KNF’s antipathy to JSS, the regional council and the Chakma community remains the same as it was in the initial days.

A regional council and three district councils in the hills were established through the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord. Of the local government bodies, those are two special organisations, think the local government experts. But signing the CHT accord was not easier.

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami opposed the signing of the accord vehemently. They also frightened the people saying that the hilly districts would no longer remain with the country. Many rehabilitated Bangalees from the plainland opposed the peace accord. A section of the hill people under the banner of United People’s Democratic Front (UPDF) opposed the agreement and demanded “full autonomy”. Despite the opposition, the peace accord was signed. The government formed by the BNP and Jamaat alliance in 2001, however, did not repeal the accord.

But no election has been held in the three CHT district councils as of today. Instead, in practice, the members of the ruling party operate the district councils. No election has been held in the regional council as well. This regional council, the product of the accord, has been kept inactive while the issues like land ownership and its own police force have not been settled.

The meeting of the committee to implement the agreement was disrupted several times due to the strong opposition of the local Bengali organisations. Hill Regional Council chairman Santu Larma alleged that they have the support of big powers behind them. He has also repeatedly spoken of the government’s reluctance to implement the peace accord. Santu Larma also alleged that some parts of the government remain active in opposing the agreement.

Incumbent government is the government of the people. If the people want, there could be dialogues between the peace establishment committee and KNF once again
Home minister Asaduzzaman Khan

Though KNF has openly expressed its grievances against the regional council, JSS and Chakma community, such sentiment is nothing new in the hills. Among the 11 ethnic minority communities of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, the Chakma are the majority. They are way ahead in various fields including education.

Chiefship and headman are two important permanent traditional administrative positions in the three hill districts. Most of them belong to the Chakma or Marma community. That is why, apart from the Bengalis in the hills, Chakma and not Marma people dominate the traditional organisations, union parishads, upazilas and business, NGOs and administrative positions. Apart from the people of Chakma and Marma communities, other communities have grievances about this. However, the people from all ethnic communities including the Chakma took part in the movement for two decades in the hills.

Jarlam Bom, president of Bom Social Council, the largest organisation of the Bom community, told Prothom Alo, “JSS had the support of all 11 ethnic minority communities of the hills.”

Any ruler tries to implement the divide and rule policy. But we don’t have appropriate evidence behind the conspiracy theory that says the Bangladesh government has been trying to bring this division to undermine the authorities of organisations like the regional council
Professor Imtiaz Ahmed of the International Relations Department at Dhaka University

At that time, a small number of ethnic groups had an anti-JSS sentiment. One of such armed organisations was “Garam Bahini” that was born among the Mro community in Bandarban, where the KNF is more active today. A few such armed groups came into existence during the 2018 elections. “Mogh Party” was one of such groups of armed youths that emerged across a large part of Bandarban.

People detained in coordinated operation after the bank robbery and arms looting are being taken to court

It is believed that a major leader of the ruling party had united them to use them in some election-related work. However, Bandarban MP and former minister Bir Bahadur denied the allegation of firing up the group to this reporter several times.

After the elections, the “Mogh Party” extorted the people of Bandarban and Rangamati’s Rajasthali. This was eventually stopped. Incidentally the Mogh Party attacks were directed at the hill people who support the JSS.

Once again ‘proposal of peace’ in the hills

Out of nowhere,anti-CHT peace accord organisation UPDF presented a “peace proposal” to the “government” in June 2022. UPDF central leader Ujjwal Smriti Chakma handed over a letter in this regard to a retired army Major at an event in the Barakalak area of ​​Chengi Union No. 2 of Panchhari Upazila of Khagrachari on 9 June.

This “peace proposal” surprised many since UPDF was not involved in any armed movement. Several of their leaders, including Praseet Bikash Khisa, participated in parliament elections several times. That is why this proposal sent to a person not involved with the government created discussion. Several international media also ran reports about it. JSS rejected this initiative. The proposal was surprising to many on the hills too. Media asked the home minister about this but he did not say anything.

Attempt to question the peace accord?

Many Bengalis who are aware of the ethnic minority communities and the politics in the hills say that the Mogh Party, the peace proposal and finally the KTC of the KNF - all these initiatives have been taken to question the CHT Peace Accord. They believe that the peace accord marked the end of two decades of armed conflict in the hill. But new problems are emerging and many parties are taking various opportunities as the main tenets of the agreement are still unimplemented.

Noted educationist and women leader Nirupa Dewan said, “Even a child could say who are behind the KNF, especially after watching their activities. Such groups work to destroy the main spirit of peace accord. And a powerful clique has been fanning them from behind. But this is nothing new in the hills. The government should never entertain them.”

Majority members of hill people support the CHT Peace Accord and they have faith in the regional council and other local autonomous organisations. In this context, is any powerful quarter encouraging the KNF to oppose the organisations alleging those are Chakma-dominated?

KNF founder Nathan Bom

Speaking about this, Professor Imtiaz Ahmed of the International Relations Department at Dhaka University said, “Any ruler tries to implement the divide and rule policy. But we don’t have appropriate evidence behind the conspiracy theory that says the Bangladesh government has been trying to bring this division to undermine the authorities of organisations like the regional council.”

The “peace establishment committee” that was holding discussions with the KNF until now asked them to follow the path of peace after the new attacks. Home minister Asaduzzaman Khan said, “The incumbent government is the government of the people. If the people want, there could be dialogues between the peace establishment committee and KNF once again.”

There is no disagreement on discussion with any quarter for the sake of peace. But further discussion with an organisation that is making irrational demands and following the path of violence should be a matter of proper thinking, said National Human Rights Commission’s former chairman professor Mizanur Rahman.

“The creation of any radical organisation in the hills through accepting the demands of KNF is absolutely absurd. The Bangladesh state signed the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord in 1997. When an institution like the state signs an agreement, it has a different kind of importance. Unfortunately, the agreement was not fully implemented. If that was done, these criminal acts would have stopped in the hills.”

* This analysis has been rewritten in English by Shameem Reza