Md Tanzimuddin Khan is a professor at the international relations department of Dhaka University. He has played a continued role through the University Teachers’ Network to uphold the rights of the students and against the government’s repression and suppression. The role of the teachers’ network in the Students Against Discrimination movement was bold and strong. In an interview with Prothom Alo’s Monoj Dey, he speaks about the uprising of the students and the people, the interim government, the present standstill in the university and the way ahead.
The uprising of the students and people centering the innocuous quota reform movement led to the downfall of an extreme autocratic government. Overall, what is the political lesson learnt from this movement?
Tanzimuddin Khan: It is true that initially this was an innocuous movement. The Hasina government had to pay the price for not understanding the innocuous movement. It has been the same with all the autocratic governments in Bangladesh. The government takes its suppression, repression and killing to such an extent that the only means for survival is to remove the government. Those in the seat of power must learn that they cannot cling on to power by means of killing, enforced disappearances, suppression and repression. The more that repression grows, the more the people will unite. When everyone grows that sense of survival, then they all unite regardless of politics, religion, caste or creed. That is what happened in the movement against discrimination.
Expectations and anticipation has been created all over for a positive change. How far are the old political parties ready to accommodate such a massive change?
Tanzimuddin Khan: To what extent did the suppression and repression of the state go, that a prison like Aynaghar was created? In the seventies and eighties certain Latin American countries, particularly like Chile under the autocrat Augusto Pinochet, had underground prisons where thousands of people were incarcerated. The mothers there also got organised like our Mayer Dak, in protest of their children being abducted and killed. Our state had become such an extreme autocratic and authoritarian state.
Everyone is talking about a new independence in Bangladesh now. This is not a new independence. It is just that people want to recapture that spirit of the 1971 war of independence, the aspirations of an independent, sovereign people with self-esteem. Our entire state system had been hijacked. A handful of businessmen, bureaucrats, police officials, army officers and politicians had forged a strong nexus. They had taken over our state system. They had no role in upholding Bangladesh’s interests. And as a result, the people had lost their ownership of Bangladesh’s sovereignty.
In that sense, the feeling of national unity generated by the mass uprising is a very promising for the building of a new Bangladesh. We saw a similar prospect in 1990 with the fall of the autocrat Ershad. In 2007-10 a similar prospect arose. But those movements were entirely based on political parties. All parties have their own ideologies and agendas and their supporters took to the streets accordingly. But that is not what happened this time. Private and public universities, Bangla medium and English medium, madrasas – students from all backgrounds joined the movement. Even farmers, workers and the general masses joined in. That was the biggest strength. The main challenge is whether the mainstream political parties understand the fresh aspirations of the people, whether they are prepared for it or not.
The movement against discrimination is not any organised political group. That means there is a political risk too. An interim government has been formed but no plan of action has been placed before the nation as yet.
Tanzimuddin Khan: It is true that those who led the movement against discrimination are not any organised political force. They do not have any well-organised structure. They did not take up the movement in a planned manner to topple the government. Had that been their intention, they would have had a plan in place as to what they would do after the government exited. They had no such preparations, so in that sense they are in a different sort of circumstance. Even the interim government that has been formed now is something absolutely different in our country's history. This cannot be compared to the caretaker government that was formed after 1990. We don't want to call it a revolutionary government either. It is a government formed at the spur of the moment through a mass uprising. No one was prepared for this.
The most promising area of this uprising is the public aspiration for change that has been created. That is the biggest strength for the interim government. Whether we can use this opportunity or whether we will repeat the same old mistakes depends on how far the interim government is prepared to implement these aspirations, how much importance it is placing on this matter. Everyone's support is needed.
The political parties could not carry the hopes and aspirations of the people over the past 53 years. The people do not want to revert to the old trend of things. That calls for structural changes in the state, in politics and in institutions. The sooner this can be done, the better. The government should come up with their plan of action as soon as possible so as to close the gap between the people and the state, between the people and the government. A task force can be formed and assigned to draw up this plan of action. And outline is necessary to give the people confidence. An outline for long-term objectives is also needed. A new political settlement must be reached through talks and understanding with the mainstream political parties.
From the outset we have seen that the University Teachers' Network has stood by the students. They had an active and important role in the movement. How would you analyse the situation before 5 August and after?
Tanzimuddin Khan: The University Teacher's Network wasn't just active in the movement against discrimination. Under the banner of Teachers against Repression, we have been protesting from way back against all forms of repression in the university. The teachers' network as always worked for the demands of the students, for their rights or for the rights of our colleagues. Incidentally we also had a role in this movement too. As to the difference between the time before 5 August and after, I feel that we have been saved, all of us in the University Teachers' Network have been saved. A list had been drawn up by the university about how we would be suppressed. It was much on the lines of the 14 December 1971. My name was on the top of the list. We felt that if we were to survive, it would be better that the autocratic government not be in place. So we have managed to survive and that that means the most to us.
This movement has brought an opportunity before the University Teachers' Network. Our students are also in leadership positions of the new interim government. We want to stand by them, we want to keep them accountable. We will continue to do what we did before, but with more freedom. On 3 August we came up with an outline for an alternative government so as to effectively put to use the new opportunity that has arisen. Over there we said that work needs to be done on the constitution. We had a commitment for a shadow government. We are working on that. These matters will soon be made public.
You all created a democratic rights committee comprising teachers and writers. What is the objective of this committee?
Tanzimuddin Khan: Just as a new scope has emerged before us, there is fear of new crises too. A political vacuum has been created. People must be made conscious so that this vacuum does not lead to a serious crisis. The democratic rights committee aims at holding discussions on various issues, on the question of civil rights, on the rights of the common people.
While this committee was formed with these basic premises, there is scope for it to expand further. This committee can be a good platform for communication with the grassroots, not remaining just limited to the urban middle class.
The foundation of the state is determined by how we build the institutions that build the new generations. That is why reforms of the educational institutions are essential
There have been resignations en mass at the administrative level in the universities. From the vice chancellors to the house tutors, the administration in the universities is all vacant. How did such an unimaginable situation come about? How can this be overcome?
Tanzimuddin Khan: It would be a gross understatement to term what has been transpiring in the universities all these days as mere politicisation. The university had become an extension of the autocratic government. From the vice chancellor to the security guard, everyone represented the political party. They had no other work but to sing praises of the political party. They lost their dignity as teachers. Our teachers association faced the same predicament. So when the uprising led to the government being overthrown, this meant they were overthrown too. That is what we are now seeing in the universities.
These teachers did not stand by the students. This created a massive sense of mistrust between the students and the teachers. The biggest challenge now is to establish that trust between the students and the teachers. There are not that many teachers who can now ensure that bond of trust with the students.
Vice chancellors who understand the students must be appointed, who understand their voice. A person of academic excellence must be appointed as vice chancellor, no doubt. At the same time, the vice chancellor must have the trust of the students. Unless both these can be ensured, it will be difficult to overcome the problem. But it will not be difficult at all if the right person is placed in leadership, particularly as the vice chancellor. The students can well say who would be the right person to run the university. Their views are very important in this regard.
The need for reforms is resounding everywhere. Everyone says reforms must first start in the university from where the movement began.
Tanzimuddin Khan: This discourse on reforms first began in 2018. The new generation, through the safe roads movement, brought forward the matter of state repairs and state reforms. Reforms of the educational institutions are nothing different from reforms of the state.
The foundation of the state is determined by how we build the institutions that build the new generations. That is why reforms of the educational institutions are essential. The first step in reforming educational institutions should be to discuss and determine how to create good teachers for schools, colleges and universities. It must be determined how the interests of the students can be upheld by the school administration. The governing bodies in our schools and colleges represent the part in power. The schools and colleges must be extracted from that trap.
We have all sorts of universities here, government universities, public universities, universities of science and technology and private universities. All these universities must be identified as institutions of higher learning. If that is to be done, the universities must be rendered research-oriented in a planned manner. In order to make these research-oriented, the characteristics of the universities, the academic environment and the teachers' pay scale must all be made the same.
The basic crisis in old student politics is they acted as goons of the mainstream political parties. Student politics must be redefined.
The 1973 ordinance speaks of academic independence in the universities, but even so, why does an extremely undemocratic environment prevail in the public universities?
Tanzimuddin Khan: We are proud of the 1973 ordinance. While it upholds the academic independence of the universities, many autocratic elements of the 1921 framework still exist. It is particularly important to bring about a balance to the unilateral power of the vice chancellor. By virtue of his unilateral power, the vice chancellor can bypass the decisions of the senate and the syndicate and take decisions on his own. This has become a norm in public universities.
Those in the upper levels, such as the vice chancellor, pro-vice chancellor, registrar and so on, have much higher facilities and benefits. This is an area of discrimination. The house in which the vice chancellor of Dhaka University stays is actually a symbol of discrimination and colonial rule. That very house is the first step that lures one to the post of vice chancellor. The vice chancellor's house can be declared a museum or a world heritage. These additional perks make a vice chancellor much more powerful than a simple professor. He grows an autocratic mentality and arrogance. The vice chancellors would be taken from these huge benefits and facilities and the expansive residences and brought to the level of the normal professors.
There is a lot of talk about banning student politics. If that is done, will the problems be solved?
Tanzimuddin Khan: When the students evicted Chhatra League from the campus, was this outside of politics? I saw a banner in Mohsin Hall that read, "From now on, no one can take any student to any 'guest room' or political programme." This statement makes it clear that they want to be free of a certain sort of student politics. If there is no student politics, how will leadership be created? The basic crisis in old student politics is they acted as goons of the mainstream political parties. Student politics must be redefined.
* This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir