Interview: Anu Muhammad
It is unclear how the government is taking decisions in many areas
Anu Muhammad is a former professor at the economics department of Jahangirnagar University and editor of Sharbajankatha. He is a member of Gonotantrik Odhikar Committee, formed to uphold citizens' rights. He talks about its successes and failures and the people's expectations after the student-mass uprising in an interview with Prothom Alo's Sohrab Hasan and Sarfuddin Ahmed on the completion of the interim government's 100 days at the helm.
The interim government has been at the helm for 100 days. How would you evaluate their overall performance?
There had been a plan in place during the mass uprising of 1990. The three alliances had a joint declaration. The road map was clear. But during the mass uprising this time, there was no clear picture about what was to happen after the government fell. But expectations had been generated among the people. The bottom line of these expectations was that we do not want a government like the past governments. The popular catch phrase was, "We want a discrimination-free Bangladesh." The people wanted a Bangladesh free of discrimination and unlike the governments of the past. It was necessary for the interim government to have set its tasks accordingly.
On behalf of the Teachers' Network, on 4 August, the day before Sheikh Hasina's fall, we came up with an outline for an interim government. We had said, Hasina's government is not effective anymore. It has no credibility. An interim government must be installed. There has to be a democratic transformation in Bangladesh. We explained what was to be done for this democratic transformation of Bangladesh. Then we came up with 13 points from the Ganatantrik Odhikar Committee. The government also had many pledges. Over the past three months the government has carried out necessary work. For example, several commissions have been formed.
Among the government's failures is the fact that even in these three months they have failed to draw up a list of those who gave their lives and those who have been wounded
But how will you assess the successes and failures of this government now?
The previous government was heavily prone to looting and siphoning out wealth. This had gone to an extreme. The looting had taken on unprecedented proportions. A commission has been formed to look into this. A commission has been formed regarding elections. There is a commission for the constitution. A commission has been formed to look into the irregularities of the energy and power sector. Forming these commissions has been a vital task. Then this government has suspended the impunity act. That was important too. It has pledged to abolish the Cyber Security Act. I see this as a positive move. Then again, as in 1972 or as in 1991, there has been a certain amount of disillusionment.
Among the government's failures are the fact that even in these three months they have failed to draw up a list of those who gave their lives and those who have been wounded. Financial assistance has been given in various ways, in a scattered manner. But the state must take responsibility in this regard. Those who were killed in this uprising were mostly working people, people who laboured for a living. They included children. Many of the students who died were from working class families. Their deaths cannot be viewed simply as deaths. These families have been pitched into a precarious predicament. Many families are facing a crisis of survival. Many of those who have been injured, lost their eyes, their limbs, are languishing in hospital. They cannot afford medical treatment. Many have returned home without treatment.
This was the government's first responsibility -- to draw up a list and take responsibility of them. It can't be that there are no funds for them. It is also unfortunate that the law and order situation hasn't improved.
In the meantime, the council of advisors has been expanded twice. Do you think this will accelerate the government's work? Questions have arisen concerning the efficiency and capability of the advisors.
Capability is tested through work, through results. Let me give a couple of examples: There is the example I just gave. They haven't been able to draw up a list of those who were killed and injured. I think the task would be easy in the public administration ministry sent a list to all the deputy commissioners, upazila nirbahi officers and told them to send in lists. This is a ministry's task.
The health ministry's work has hardly been visible either. Dengue is spreading, but we do not see anything being done. The prices of essentials are spiraling. Keeping prices in check is an important responsibility of the advisors. Whether it is the commerce ministry or the interim government as a whole, it was a vital task for them to bring down the prices of commodities. There is nothing visible in this regard.
There are two angles to the law and order situation. One is the regular incidence of theft, snatching, extortion. This has increased. The second is targeted attacks. That includes attacks on the minorities, be it mazars (shrines), the Hindu community, Ahmadiyyas or other communities. There have been targeted attacks on these communities. Ideology is involved here. This has reflection of discriminatory politics. The government needed to be stricter and more active about this. Since a government has been formed and advisors have taken on various responsibilities, they all have specific tasks.
The state-owned jute mills were shut down during the previous government. The jute minister of the past government was one of the beneficiaries of these closures, as they would take over the land of the jute mills or take control of the mills. This time too we see that the man put in charge of the jute ministry is from the group which benefits from the privatisation or shut down of the jute mills.
That is about direct conflict of interest. This simply cannot be, especially where our expectations from this government are that they will move away from the previous government's actions to close down the state-owned jute mills and state-owned sugar mills, and start up these jute mills and sugar mills anew. It was not right to give charge of the jute ministry to one of those who benefitted from these closures.
The decisions being taken by the government are not clear in many instances and the reasons behind many decisions are not clear either. We saw a committee being formed for education and then it was cancelled based on the demands or people whom, I feel, should not have been heeded. This brings the weaknesses of the government to the fore.
Initiative has been taken to reopen closed sugar mills.
Yes, a task force has been formed about reopening closed sugar mills. A university teacher has been included there. But nothing has been done about the jute mills as yet. The man put in charge of the jute ministry is a man in favour of shutting down jute mills. I heard there is even a case against him.
In a certain seminar you said that Sheikh Hasina has fallen, but fascism has not ended. Can you explain that?
Fascism has various economic bases. It has various political and cultural angles too. Now if we hear the people of this government speaking in the same manner as Awami League or Chhatra League, if they attack the common people at any place in the manner of Awami League or Chhatra League, if we see them damaging property and threatening, "we will close this down," "we will remove this," "we won't allow this" and so on, it is very unfortunate. This is what we see as Awami League language. The people brought about the change in the hope that we will not see anything as in the past. So such language is unacceptable.
Without any specific evidence, certain people are being labelled as collaborators or the fascist regime. Teachers, doctors and others are being harassed on charges of being collaborators of the fascists. These are signs of intolerance
No one questions the legal actions being taken against ministers of the former government and Awami League leaders. But there is criticism about the arbitrary cases.
I feel that the manner in which Awami League has been rejected by the people, has been pushed to one side, they do not have the power to rise up. Now action must be taken against them by means of legal procedure. But such cases being en masse are problematic. I see this as inefficient. Such cases will not stand up in court. Perhaps lawyers will be able to say better.
During the Awami League government we saw such indiscriminate cases being used to make money. We saw the propensity for extortion. That machine should not be in operation now. But it is.
There are specific allegations against the main accused. They have embezzled and laundered bank funds, they have destroyed rivers, canals, streams and wetlands. They have destroyed forests. They should get much more punishment for these crimes. Instead of filing such cases, cases are being filed in an indiscriminate matter.
It is said that BNP has already begun flexing its power. They are making recommendations for appointments in important posts and the government is heeding their recommendations too. How do you see that?
It is true that the government's decisions are being questioned regarding certain important appointments. This is angering the people. In many instances, unqualified persons are being appointed rather than qualified ones. There are instances where a person against whom the university syndicate recommended punitive action, has been appointed on recommendation of BNP or Jamaat. But the government must take this responsibility. Another thing is, old personal hostilities are regaining a political face.
In the past, if anyone was to be ostracised, it would be said their grandfather, or uncle or cousin is a BNP or Jamaat man. They would be given a label. Now, without any specific evidence, certain people are being labelled as collaborators or the fascist regime. Teachers, doctors and others are being harassed on charges of being collaborators of the fascists. These are signs of intolerance. We do not want to see that now.
If anyone in an institution commits a crime, action must be taken against him in keeping with that institution's rules and regulations. But they can't be cornered and forced to resign, accusing them of being of the fascist camp. This cannot be accepted.
Leaders of the student movement say that they were not consulted about the appointment of the last batch of advisors. They do not accept these appointments and have even demanded that two of them be dropped. Do you see tensions developing between the government and the student movement leaders?
It is not possible for us from the outside to understand the distance or proximity between the student leadership and the government. After all, at least three members of the advisory council are from the student leadership. Surely they must be aware of these decisions. The decisions are taken through the cabinet. It will be a problem if one section of the student leadership takes a decision and other section opposes it.
When Jatiya Party's office was attacked, one section of the students supported this and another section claimed that the student leaders had no connection with such personal level attacks. The student leaders who led the mass uprising now have a huge responsibility. It is vital for them to coordinate with the government and retain unity among themselves.
As there is no deadline about how long this government will remain in power, the people are in a dilemma. Do you think that the government should make it clear as to when the elections will be held?
I feel that unrest and a lack of confidence will grow among the people if it is not made clear when the election will be held. There is unrest in the society, deterioration in law and order, spiralling of prices. There is still protest in the labour belt over wages. The government had an 18-point demand with the workers. This clearly stated that by 10 October all due wages would be cleared. This didn't happen. It is November and there is still a movement on about wages.
All this is creating unrest. If the government does not come up with a specific roadmap, this unrest will not abate.
The government has said, first they will carry out reforms and then the election will be held.
The government cannot carry out all the reforms. They can create a base for the reforms. They will have to carry out certain specific tasks to this end. That definitely is their responsibility. But they will have to hand over power to another elected government. The government needs a specific roadmap for the purpose. It is this government's responsibility to ensure that money or muscle power isn't used during the election, that it remains free of communalism and regionalism. This will require time. That cannot be an unspecified span of time. If the government doesn't have a specific target, they will not be able to reach its objective. It will be easily for them to carry out their tasks if they have a specific date ahead. If necessary that date can be pushed back. But there must be a date.
Thank you.
Thank you too.
* This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir