Why start student politics anew in BUET and private universities?

The High Court recently suspended the ‘urgent notice’ enforced by the BUET (Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology) authorities four years ago. Various news media accordingly reported that there was no obstruction to student politics in BUET. However, according to the ‘East Pakistan Engineering and Technological University’ ordinance of 1961, no one had the right to create unrest on campus in the name of student politics. Yet the authoritarian behavior of the ruling party student leaders has irked the ire of the general students.

The killing of Abrar Fahad alone doesn’t sum up the entire situation. Students have to tolerate the torture of the student leaders day after day while continuing with their studies. There are some who speak in favour of student politics, but say nothing about this repressive darkness. In no way can any student organisation exert its dominance using the historical context of students uniting at the time of the national crisis.

In various universities of the country including BUET, student leaders flex their might and muscle to exert their control. They literally assault students physically and torture them mentally if they don’t join their meetings and rallies.

Very little of all these things which occur regularly are reported in the news. The behavior and role of the student leaders in some instances amount to punishable criminal offences.

After the recent High Court ruling, the agitating students of BUET said in a written statement, "The student politics that promotes the ragging culture, promotes the abuse of power, victimises innocent students, had never bode well for us and never will." They claim that 98 per cent of the BUET students do not want student politics.

The students ran a survey through BUET's Microsoft Teams form. They make sure of two matters in the survey -- other than the present students no one could fill up the form and one student could fill up the form once only. This revealed that of the 5,832 students, a total of 5,739 were against student politics.

The agitating students said, after the killing of Abrar Fahad even Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had said that if BUET wanted, it could ban student politics. Following the demand of all students and teachers of BUET, the BUET administration then issued an 'urgent notice' banning all sorts of organisational politics on campus. The court then issued a notice asking why this notice would not be declared outside the lawful jurisdiction of the authorities.

The Representation of People Order (RPO) Section 90B (1) (b) iii states that if any political party desires to be registered it will have to "prohibit formation of any organisation or body as its affiliated or associated body consisting of the teachers or students or any educational institution or the employees or labourers of any financial, commercial or industrial institution or establishment or the members of any other profession." But given the state of student politics on campus, it does not seem any heed has been paid to this section.

Our politicians have been running the student organisations, dubbing then as fraternal organisations. To them, student politics means dominating the campus and suppressing opposing political views. The student leaders get financial work benefits for their services. In some instances, they even directly and indirectly have a role in the recruitment of university teachers and employees as well as even selecting the vice chancellor.

In recent times questions arose when two students of BUET were given posts in Chhatra League's full-fledged committee. The Chhatra league central president then had said, "These two students will run the central executive council activities. They are not involved in BUET's internal student politics. As to whether there will be politics within BUET, is a matter of the BUET administration and students.

One is shocked at the manner in which the politics of the ruling party student leaders is conducted. When confronted by pressure of a movement, they can disappear, and then when the opportunity arises, they spring up again, armed aggressively with sticks and poles, ready to serve their masters. No student or BUET or any other university speaks in favour of such politics. They feel that if the student councils could be activated, then it would be possible to establish the politics aspired by the students.

While the debate of whether there should be student politics in BUET or not is on, Chhatra League has declared committees in five departments of the private North South University. They are planning to extend their political and organisational activities to private universities now. Earlier in 2022 they formed organisational committees in 16 private universities including North South University and BRAC University. The authorities of many of the universities opposed this. They official said that no permission will be given to student politics on university campus.

Thousands of concerned guardians contacted the authorities of the private universities by email at the time. Bangladesh Private University Association at the time said that over 10,000 guardians had sent in emails. The association claimed that 98 per cent of the 400,000 students of private universities all around the country were against partisan student politics on campus.

The Private University Act 2021 does not make any clear mention of student politics. However, because there is no student politics in private universities, they do not have session jams and their regular studies continue unhindered. It is not difficult to discern what a negative impact there will be if student politics is introduced there too.

Politics is a democratic right. There can even be legal arguments and orders in favour of politics in universities. There are student politics in many institutions of higher education around the world. But the question is, how can student politics be equated with toeing a political party line and flexing muscles in the display of power?

* Tariq Manzoor is a professor of the Bangla Department, Dhaka University.                  

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir