The elections are ahead. Those who are permitted to take to the field, are now revving up to go to parliament. Those without the permission are guarding their "broken boat", wondering if it can be "repaired".
During Sheikh Hasina’s reign, the party that sat in parliament as the ‘opposition’ for so many years should, by all logic, have been celebrated by the people after the fall of her government.
Opposing Sheikh Hasina and Awami League from within parliament for 15 years is no small act of courage. If one were to open the rulebook of parliamentary democracy, it would show that the opposition is the first in line to form the next government after the fall of the incumbent.
But fate had other plans in store. Despite being in the opposition for so many years, Jatiya Party did not receive that recognition. Now they’re even afraid to step onto the political field. Everyone decries them as ‘collaborators of fascism.’ While there's so much talk about reform in the country, parties with barely even two to ten members are comfortably sipping tea and with the consensus commission.
Meanwhile, Jatiya Party finds its numerous barristers and 15 years of experience in parliamentary opposition, amounting to nothing. No one is asking them for any input whatsoever. And yet, they could have offered many of their ideas to the reform commission on what it means to be a "good opposition party".
Seeing the pitiful state of Jatiya Party, three of its senior leaders, senior co-chairman Anisul Islam Mahmud and co-chairmen ABM Ruhul Amin Howlader and former general secretary Mujibul Haque Chunnu, stepped up. They wanted to amend the party constitution to give it a semblance of democracy. The time was ripe to join national reform bandwagon. If they could convincingly carry out internal reforms, perhaps they would even get a consensus commission invite!
These senior leaders were deeply unhappy with the party chairman’s authority to make unilateral decisions. How can everything be in the hands of just one person? For years they stayed silent because there were ministers and MPs from the party, but for how long will they remain silent?
The three leaders have called for the repeal of Article 20(1)(a) of the Jatiya Party’s charter. This clause was introduced by the party’s founder, former President Hussain Muhammad Ershad. Almost every leader in Jatiya Party was appointed under this very clause and has held on to power through its rigid structure. GM Quader was nominated by Ershad, and Chunnu was appointed as general secretary by GM Quader. But now, with the tide of democracy rising in the country, the days of top-down nominations are over.
Even if Jatiya Party isn’t invited to the national reform process, nothing is stopping them from initiating reform within their own ranks. These three may even win kudos for at least trying to bring some internal democracy to their political party. Even the national reform commission hasn’t had the courage to address this issue.
In our country, nearly every political party, except Jamaat-e-Islami, has some version of Article 20(1)(a) written into its constitution, either explicitly or implicitly. It allows the party chief, “by virtue of the powers vested in them,” to appoint anyone to any party position. Who’s to question it? It’s all done in accordance with the party’s rules and regulations.
Why would GM Quader want to amend the constitution? Out of respect for his elder brother, he has every right to cling to this clause. And even if he did want to change it, would he be able to? His wife, Sharifa Quader, currently holds considerable power in the party. Will she allow him to alter the clause? She can hardly be blamed. After all, the government has frozen their bank accounts. If her husband loses the party chairmanship as well, what will they have left?
In the midst of all this, Kazi Md Mamunur Rashid, secretary general of the party's Raushan Ershad faction, has popped up with a call for unity. In a statement, he called upon everyone to unite behind the committee formed under Raushan Ershad’s leadership.
Even after all this, can we really expect Bidisha to remain silent? It would hardly come as a surprise of she too, were to step out with documents signed by Eric Ershad, asserting their claim to a slice of the Jatiya Party pie.
Looking at the dismal state of Jatiya Party, many might say that the party is also a victim of Hasina’s fascism. Had Hasina not overreached so much, she might still have remained in power, and Jatiya Party wouldn’t have had to face this pathetic predicament.
In all countries, the discussions before elections revolve around which party is going to come to power. But during Sheikh Hasina’s time, the discussion in Bangladesh was about who would become the leader of the opposition. After all, it was a foregone conclusion that the Awami League would win every election, and Jatiya Party, with a handful of seats from Rangpur, would automatically become the opposition.
In 2014, Sheikh Hasina sent intelligence officers to detain Ershad and confine him to CMH, ostensibly as a patient. Meanwhile, his wife, Raushan Ershad, independently announced that Jatiya Party would participate in the election. Ershad had no choice but to acquiesce.
But after Ershad’s death, the real conflict began. Who would be the leader of the opposition from Jatiya Party? As long as Raushan Ershad was in good health, Sheikh Hasina gave her the opposition leader’s chair. This caused persistent tension within the party. GM Quader was somewhat inexperienced in politics and couldn’t match the seasoned Raushan Ershad. Anisul Islam and Ruhul Amin Howlader carefully monitored which side had the upper hand. Anisul Islam, having twice become a minister under Sheikh Hasina while still in the opposition, had already become a political idiosyncrasy.
Raushan Ershad fells seriously ill before the 2024 election. Sheikh Hasina didn't trust the people around her and so she appointed GM Quader as the leader of the opposition.
When GM Quader was handed the reins of the party after Ershad’s death, he appeared as a “reluctant politician.” It was said that he had little contact with party leaders across different regions of the country. He also hadn’t quite mastered the cunning or craftiness of politics. At one point, even his Rangpur seat was on the verge of slipping into the hands of his nephew, Saad. It was only through the intervention of Rangpur’s mayor at the time, Mostafa, and local leaders that his reputation was salvaged.
He seems to have learnt the ropes now and has so far managed the party rebels quite effectively. Amid the senior leaders’ revolt, GM Quader appointed a new general secretary. He then went on to announce the removal of the Jatiya Party’s senior co-chairman Anisul Islam Mahmud and co-chairmen ABM Ruhul Amin Howlader and Mujibul Haque Chunnu from the party.
The new prime minister will be mighty pleased to have Jatiya Party as the opposition. After all, they have years of experience in that role. They've never staged a walkout. They've never been known to practice no-confidence motions.
But curtains haven't fallen on Jatiya Party's drama. This will stretch out for many days to come. In the meantime, we can expect all the stakeholders to take to the field in an increasingly combative manner. The daily newspapers will carry their stories regularly.
The problem is that Jatiya Party no longer has a guardian figure. When Hussain Muhammad Ershad was alive, he was the supreme leader. True, his wife Raushan Ershad would sometimes outmaneuver him, but that happens in every household. After Ershad’s death, it was Sheikh Hasina who unofficially assumed that guardianship over Jatiya Party.
Those who have observed the party for years would argue that if the Jatiya Party leaders tear it apart right now, they’d be making a grave mistake. If they can just hold on a little longer and remain united, their golden era might return. And there is good reason behind this belief.
Let’s imagine a scenario where another election takes place. New leaders emerge. A new prime minister is sworn in. The opposition also takes its place in parliament with full force, shouting at the government, walking out every couple of hours. This is quite normal in a parliamentary democracy.
The prime minister grows increasingly irritated. Who wants such a disruptive opposition? That’s why Sheikh Hasina kept BNP out of parliament. Now imagine a major party comes to power with an overwhelming majority. That's not an impossible scenario. The new prime minister thinks: “We need a good opposition in parliament, one that won’t walk out or bring no-confidence motions, but will cooperate with the government for the country’s development.”
No sooner said than done. Since the ruling party holds an overwhelming majority, the prime minister can ask 40 of its MPs to resign and then calls Jatiya Party. They sweep the by-elections and take over those 40 seats. The actual opposition kicks up a storm. But who cares? Is there anything in the consensus agreement that says by-elections can't be held?
The new prime minister will be mighty pleased to have Jatiya Party as the opposition. After all, they have years of experience in that role. They've never staged a walkout. They've never been known to practice no-confidence motions. So the prime minister, too, can govern the country in peace and with confidence.
Besides, ruling party has prior experience of working with and forming alliances with Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party itself is now composed of calm, senior figures, almost all of them MPs. No one wants to split the party anymore. Of course, being in the opposition means they can’t ask for cabinet positions. That’s part of the consensus.
No one can say for sure that things will unfold exactly this way. But in politics, there is no final word. Today’s arch-rival can easily become tomorrow’s coalition partner. This happens all the time.
So all is not lost for Jatiya Party. If they give in to infighting and break the party apart, they’ll lose on every front. It would be wiser for everyone to stay quietly in their positions and wait for better days. Their turn may yet come. And in the meantime, who knows? Even the boat might be repaired!
* Saleh Uddin Ahmed is a teacher and political analyst. He can be reached at salehpublic711@gmail.com
(The opinions expressed are the author's own)