Serajul Islam Choudhury, emeritus professor of Dhaka University. The Awami League government was forced to resign in face of the movement of the Students against Discrimination. The interim government was formed with Dr Muhammad Yunus at the helm. In this backdrop, the Gonotantrik Odhikar Committee (Committee for Democratic Rights) was formed. This social reformer educationist is convener of this committee. In an interview with Prothom Alo's Sohrab Hassan, he talks about the role of this citizen's committee in establishing the rights of the people and what is to be done.
There are many organisations aiming at establishing citizens' rights. What prompted you all to come up with this new organisation Gonotantrik Odhikar Committee (Committee for Democratic Rights)?
A fascist government was toppled by means of a mass uprising and aspirations for democratic rights have awakened among the students and the people. This is a historical moment. It is essential to build up a movement at this moment to establish democratic rights.
By democratic rights we mean - 1. A balance between rights and opportunities; 2. Decentralisation of power; and 3. Establishing genuine and accountable people's representation at all levels of the society. This is possible by means of a social revolution. We want to work to that end.
What is the difference between past mass movements and this mass movement led by the Students against Discrimination which led to the fall of the Awami League government?
The first difference was the spontaneity and the huge participation. This uprising was not led by any political party. The efforts of the anti-government political parties did create space for an uprising, but the uprising took place by means of the people's spontaneous participation.
Secondly, never before had such brutality been seen in the suppressing of any movement. Thirdly, people's resistance was extraordinarily united and courageous. Fourthly, the demand for no discrimination in rights and opportunities was the main driving force of the uprising.
What are your expectations from the interim government?
The first expectation is to give due respect to the aspirations and environment created for freedom and to give this permanent shape. Then there are many more expectations. These include proper medical treatment for those injured in the movement and financial compensation to the families of those who were killed; to take legal action against those who carried out the killings and caused injuries; pulling the reins on the unlimited powers given to the police and RAB; halting money laundering, looting and corruption; increasing areas of employment; bringing the cost of commodities under control; ensuring freedom of expression; breaking all syndicates; discarding capitalist trends in development and turning to development of social ownership.
The interim government is talking about state reforms. How far do you think they will be able to carry out these reforms? Do you have any recommendations or proposals in this regard?
How far reforms will be possible depends on the people's movement. Our advice to the government will be to take speedy steps and our basic premise will be to mobilise public awareness. It will not be possible for this government to make fundamental changes, but it must definitely carry out its commitment to hand over state power to people's representatives through general elections that are fair and participatory.
The military-backed government of 2007 had also spoken about state reforms. Ultimately they could not carry out any reforms. What guarantee is there that this will not be repeated this time?
There is one guarantee and that is public opinion. It is the duty of all democracy-oriented organisations as well as political and cultural activists to mould an organised and educated public opinion.
The reforms we want are fundamental changes in state and social systems, not reforms. These changes call for a social revolution. That is the aspiration of the people
You are speaking about a democratic campus free of forceful occupation. But already partisan machinations have started over posts and positions. Some persons are even being harassed unjustly.
For a democratic environment on campus it is essential for students and teachers of all parties and ideologies to coexist peacefully and have cultural exchange. Regular student union elections are absolutely imperative for this.
The main reason that such elections were not held is that no democratic environment was built up on campus. As a result, the ruling party's domination and oppression was established. The unjust harassment of teachers is totally unacceptable.
The present government is using the same repressive laws to file cases just as the previous government did. So what is the difference?
The difference is the fall of a fascist government and teaching the rulers that they can't stay in power by harassing and humiliating the people. That simply hurries their downfall. It is undeniable that a prospect for change has been created. People's fear has dissipated and the power or unity is tangible. Change must be made possible by means of a continued and steady movement.
You are speaking of rights for farmers and workers. How far is that possible under the present state system? If that is not possible, then what sort of reforms do you want?
No, it is not possible in this system. What we want are fundamental changes in state and social systems, not reforms. These changes call for a social revolution. That is the aspiration of the people.
In the 1969 when Asad was martyred, the slogan arose, "Asad-er mantra, janagantantra" (roughly meaning: Asad's mantra is a state for the people). That state aspired by the people was never established. Until and unless that is established, people will not be emancipated. Domination and exploitation of the working class will simply increase.
Given the manner in which charges of mass killings are being levelled against the ministers, officials and collaborators of the former government, how far will it be possible to get justice? During the Awami League government, similar tactics were used to file murder and sedition cases against the political opponents and dissenters and to place them behind bars.
Cases in this manner are not at all appropriate. It is essential to bring about specific charges against the identified offenders.
If you believe in democracy, you have to have elections. Are our political parties ready for reforms?
No, not at all. There are many political parties in the country, but two strains of politics -- bourgeoisie and democratic. Our hopes lie with the democratic strain. If the democratic political parties form a democratic joint front, then people will respond wholeheartedly and the bourgeoisie trend (Awami League, BNP, Jamaat, Hefazat, Jatiya Party, and so on) will find hope and inspiration in this alternative political platform. They will be politically active. The present political reluctance will be overcome.
The democratic joint front will take part in the election. Their demand will be for proportional representation in parliament based on the votes secured. The responsibility of national parliament that will be formed through the election will be to render the constitution democratic, eliminating all undemocratic elements within. The democratic joint front will work for a social revolution.
Universities have been closed for about two months now. Most of the public universities have no vice chancellors. In many universities, almost the entire administration has resigned. What is to be done to reopen the universities as soon as possible under the prevailing circumstances?
The first thing to be done is to give importance to education. The second task is to appoint vice chancellors. These vice chancellors will be both renowned in teaching and research as well as efficient in serving as the guardians of the universities. They will stand as models before the other teachers.
In order to establish the universities as centres of learning and culture, it will be the responsibility of the vice chancellors to regularly arrange student union elections at the universities.
Thank you.
Thank you too.
* This interview appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir