Are minority votes a ‘fixed deposit’?

Generally speaking, the minorities in this country, the Hindu community in particular, vote for Awami League. There may be exceptions. But exceptions are not the rule and so there is no ambiguity over the matter. However, though they vote for Awami League, this party does not fulfill their demands, let alone ensure their security. So why this blind loyalty to Awami League? We’ll come to that later.

At a workshop of the Puja observation council held recently at the Dhakeswari National Temple in the capital, leaders of the Hindu community raised the question as to why the country had become so communal even though the party that had led the liberation war was in government. The leaders also said that the religious minorities should not be used as pawns in the political chess game.

From the words of the Hindu leaders, it is evident that they had believed that if the party that had led the liberation war (Awami League) was in the government, then communalism would not grow. Needless to say, their belief is coming apart at the seams. They no longer want to be part of this political game. So what alternatives do they have?

The contention of those who say that the Hindu community is Awami League’s ‘fixed deposit’, is half true. After all, during past-independence times, a large section of the politically conscious Hindu community in this country had joined NAP-Communist Party politics, many even selling their ancestral property and assets to donate to the party. But, for whatever the reason may be, the role of these two parties gradually dwindled in mainstream politics. Post-independence, youth of the Hindu community even join JSD politics in large numbers. But their dreams there were also shattered with the rise and fall of JSD.

Immediately after the independence of the country, there were attacks on puja mandaps, and idols of Hindu deities were smashed. It was evident to the religious minority that the ideals and spirit upon which the country had been made independent, remained a far cry. This was further brought home when, after the assassination of Bangabandhu and family in 1975, the word ‘secularism’ was erased from the constitution.

When a group of Hindu extremists attacked the Babri Masjid in India’s Uttar Pradesh in 1990, the innocent Hindu community in this country had to pay the price. However, that was not a spontaneous response to the incident in India, but it was a state-sponsored spate of communal violence in which temples where damaged, homes were attacked and looted. Those were in the last days of the Ershad government. Faced with a strong movement launched by the three alliances, the faltering autocratic government desperately tried to use the communal card to cling on to power. It is evident from newspaper reports from back then that the attacks on Hindus all over the country were a planned ploy of the ruling party and done under their instigation. Awami League and BNP at the time condemned these communal attacked and jointly held solidarity rallies and processions.

During those extreme times of distress, the response of the two major parties was like balm on the wounds for the minorities. Once again after the liberation war, hope arose that if either one of these two major parties came to power, the non-communal spirit would be established. But within one year of BNP being elected to power after the fall of Ershad, when the Babri Masjid was demolished in India, the Hindu community here once against faced a violent backlash. BNP was castigated for its failure to bring the situation under control, but there were no strong contentions that these incidents were state sponsored. To the contrary, the conscious people of the country blamed extreme religious fundamentalists and opportunist looters for these incidents and demanded their punishment.

But the shocking incidents occurred after BNP won in the 2001 national parliamentary election. The Jamaat-BNP coalition, in effect, celebrated their victory by attacking the minorities. It was with a difference face that BNP took over state responsibility, with a spree of arson, looting, killing and rape against the minority communities in Bagerhat, Bhola, Satkhira, Agoiljhara and other places of the country. The minorities were stunned to see the party, whose founder was a commander during the liberation war, the party who had so many freedom fighters in its leadership, had such a communal character! The government took no initiative to identify those involved in such violence or to bring them to book. They simply dismissed this as rumours and false propaganda. The rape victim Purnima Sheel simply stared dumbfounded at the state!

BNP never apologised or expressed their regret to the victims of those days of their rule. Recently, however, they have pledged to ensure the rights of the minority communities if they go to power, based on a 32 point reform resolution, including a policy of ‘the state is for all, regardless of religion’.

At the outset I had raised the question, why does the minority community have blind allegiance towards Awami League? The simple answer could be, ‘lesser of the evil’. The minorities view Awami League as the lesser of the evil. Despite all the deprivations, it is this Awami League government that installed members of the minority community in vital offices from vice chancellor to police commissioner, even the chief justice (we will keep his controversial exit on hold for now).

There is simmering indignation about this too in the society. This is reflected in the social media. But those who make these criticisms, fail to also point out at the minorities make up perhaps the majority of those who are making us proud through their achievements at home and abroad. When it comes to appointing qualified persons in workplaces, we must break away from such ‘minority-majority’ considerations. In this respect, Awami League keeps the minorities ahead. But over the past 14 years of Awami League rule, have the minorities been in peace and at ease?

In response to such a question, the innumerable incidents as in Nasirnagar, Ramu, Cumilla, Brahmanbaria, Sunamgamj and elsewhere, come rushing to the mind. It is during the Awami League that the lives of the minorities have been made hell by incidents such as leaving the Quran in a puja mandap, posting false Facebook statuses and so on. There has even been proof of members of the ruling party being involved in some of the incidents. The minorities have been used as voters, as supporters during the election. But very rarely gave they round Awami League local leaders and workers, upazila chairmen or MPs by their side in times of distress.

BNP never brought to justice the 1991 post election incidents of violence. After Awami League came to power in 2008, a commission headed by a judge at the time, Shahabuddin Ahmed, was formed following a case with the High Court in this regard. Details of 28,000 incidents were placed before the commission. After scrutiny, the commission recommended action to be taken regarding 5000 of the incidents.

Sahara Khatun was home minister at the time. She assured that action would be taken. After that, Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir was made home minister. He too gave assurances. But no one kept their word. So today when Awami League blames BNP for the repression of the minorities in 2001-2006, then BNP counters with the question, if the allegations were true, why was there no trial during the Awami League rule? Time passes in all this mudslinging. The old incidents of violence are forgotten when fresh incidents crop up.

It is perhaps because of all these experiences that the leaders of the minority community want to take up negotiations with the political parties this time before the elections. At a recent meeting, Hindu Bouddho Christian Oikya Parishad general secretary Rana Das Gupta said, “Communal violence has become a routine before and after the elections. So you must make it clear before elections, what you will give and what you will take. If not, it will not be possible for us to enter the election grounds.”

Perhaps the days of taking the minority community for granted as a ‘fixed deposit’, are over.

* Bishwajit Chowdhury is joint editor, Prothom Alo, a poet and writer. He can be contacted at bishwabd@yahoo.com

* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir