It is not as if corruption has suddenly sprouted up in Bangladesh. But in recent times the deliberations have been significantly more than the sporadic discussions that had been stirred up intermittently in the past. One of the backdrops of the recent discussions on corruption has been the sanctions issued by the US on 21 May against Bangladesh's former army chief Aziz Ahmed. The US said that the sanctions had been imposed on corruption grounds.
The steps taken against General Aziz were adopted under Section 7001 (C). It may be recalled that the sub-head of this rule of the Foreign Relations and Related Programs Appropriations Act is: Anti-Kleptocracy and Human Rights.
What stands out in the use of this law against Aziz is the use of the noun "kleptocracy". It is common sense that generally speaking corruption, even big scale financial corruption, is not categorised as kleptocracy. It is not possible for kleptocracy to emerge or grow without close links between corruption and power. So we can assume that the US has used the noun in order to emphasise this aspect.
The use of the noun "kleptocracy" by the US in the case of Aziz Ahmed indicates that the power structure has direct involvement in all this corruption. But are those in Bangladesh who are discussing these issues, paying attention to that?
News about the massive wealth of former police chief Benazir Ahmed broke out before the US action against Aziz Ahmed. Kaler Kantha published a report in this regard on 31 March. But there were no visible efforts to take measures against Benazir. In fact, an eerie silence descended after that report was published. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) seemed nonchalant.
However, things changed mid-April. That's when ACC seemed to shake off its ennui. Media "investigations" revealed a vast empire of the former police chief! ACC's investigations and orders to seize the property commenced at lightning speed. It was clear that Benazir by then had removed all his money from the banks and left the country with his family. It was also clear that all that is now happening regarding Benazir is a "political" decision and that the government was "writing off" Benazir. (AKM Zakaria, 'Why is Benazir being written off?' Prothom Alo, 20 May 2024)
Amid the discussions about Benazir, questions have also arisen about the wealth of some more government officials. Allegations of corruption have been leveled against them in the social media and news media. One of them is Dhaka Metropolitan Police's former commissioner Asaduzzaman Miah. Reacting to the news published about his "massive wealth", the Bangladesh Police Service Association (BPSA) issued a statement under the heading, "About exaggerated news in the media concerning former and serving member of Bangladesh police."
The statement, in summary, conveyed the message that the police association did not want any adverse news to be published about police officers. One thing that was noticeable in this instance is that the political umbrella over Asaduzzaman Miah's head was not moved away.
Awami League general secretary Obaidul Quader on 21 June made this clear. In his words, "The police is being indiscriminately attacked. They have motives against the armed forces. There is a conspiracy to make arbitrary accusations of corruption. It should be seen whether this is a conspiracy to remove Awami League." (Prothom Alo, 21 June 2024)
In context of these incidents, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on 20 June said in the Jatiya Sangsad (national parliament), her government had taken up a drive against corruption.
Kleptocracy does not produce just one or two corrupt persons. The number of corrupt persons in a kleptocratic system is innumerable. Unless the system is changed, this number will simply multiply
She said, "Action will be taken against those involved in corruption." The government's statement on "zero-tolerance" against corruption is nothing new. Over the past 14 years the government has repeatedly spoken about anti-corruption drives, action against corruption and so on.
The prime minister has not said exactly when this operation against corruption had begun. But there can be a question as to whether the recent spate of reports in the news media about mid- and lower-level government officials is a manifestation of this. If that is so, then questions can also arise about the standard of Bangladesh's journalism, and even its independence.
Quarters close to the government have admitted that the various allegations of corruption in the news media are true. Former minister, Awami League leader Kamrul Islam said so in parliament on 27 June. But his objection was against writing about this. He said, "As part of a national and international conspiracy, there is suddenly publicity and propaganda against corrupt officials. All this is part of a conspiracy, but even so, the allegations are true." (Prothom Alo, 27 June 2024)
If the incidents are true, then how can these be propaganda? The latest in these incidents of corruption is 17 persons including two deputy directors and an assistant director of the Public Service Commission (PSC) leaking out question papers of the public service exam. The arrested persons include a former PSC driver Abed Ali. A lot of news has been published about him too.
This question paper leakage took place in 2015. There has been talk about leakage in the past too, but police had taken no action. Now they are taking measures at full speed. This flurry of activity provokes the question - did those at a senior level in the commission know nothing about this? This is not just in context of this incident, but about the other so-called corrupt too.
They were a part of the government and used their authority, but those who appointed them, awarded them, lent them patronage, had no idea of what was going on! To the apparent eye it seems Bangladesh's news media and social media for the next few days will continue in the discussions, and even investigative reporting, on these alleged corrupt elements.
The citizens are well aware that all this is just the tip of the iceberg of corruption that has spread extensively all over Bangladesh's society and administration. They feel this palpably in their everyday lives. In this backdrop, those in power will display that they have a stern stance against corruption. But in almost every instance, ACC's role is like the "patient dying before the physician arrives."
The use of the noun "kleptocracy" by the US in the case of Aziz Ahmed indicates that the power structure has direct involvement in all this corruption. But are those in Bangladesh who are discussing these issues, paying attention to that? The power structure is poised upon such a political arrangement that those who are nurturing this system have to mete out such "favours". And it is not that just the top level civil and law enforcement agency officials will enjoy these perks. It is essential to clearly state that all this corruption is spreading due to the existing system of rule.
We must be cautious that the narrative on the corruption of certain persons does not imply that all this has transpired without the knowledge of those in power and that this corruption has no link to the overall system of rule, and that those is power are taking action against all this. That is exactly what those in power want. After all, such narrative will lend legitimacy to kleptocracy. One must keep in mind, kleptocracy does not produce just one or two corrupt persons. The number of corrupt persons in a kleptocratic system is innumerable. Unless the system is changed, this number will simply multiply.
* Ali Riaz is distinguished professor of the Department of Politics and Government at the Illinois State University in the US, nonresident senior fellow of the Atlantic Council, and president of the American Institute of Bangladesh Studies.
* This column appeared in the print and online edition of Prothom Alo and has been rewritten for the English edition by Ayesha Kabir