What the secretaries want, what the poor get

The poor in this country do not have many “wants,” but the secretaries have plenty of “gains.” This piece begins by referring to two Prothom Alo reports—one about a poor man’s wish, another about the perks of secretaries.

Rickshaw puller Sohag Mia drives his rickshaw in Barishal city. He has two minor children—a boy and a girl. His wife has left him. In the slum where he lives, there is no one to leave the children with. So he takes them along when he works. One child sits on his lap, the other crouches on the footrest of the rickshaw.

One day last Shraban, Prothom Alo reporter M Jasim Uddin witnessed this scene in Barishal and wrote a story titled “A father’s struggle for survival on a rickshaw under a banyan tree” (2 August, 2025).

Sohag earns Tk 500–600 a day, out of which Tk 300 goes to the rickshaw owner. “If I had a rickshaw of my own,” he said, “I could do something for my two kids.”

After the report was published, a Bangladeshi expatriate bought Sohag a rickshaw. Arrangements were also made for his children’s education. On the day he received his new rickshaw, Sohag’s face was lit with joy.

That small story about Sohaag might not have caused public discussion, but it changed a man’s life—a change neither minor nor insignificant.

Now, let’s talk about what the secretaries’ perks. Before being ousted in the July uprising, the Awami League government allotted plots in Dhaka to influential bureaucrats. Yet many secretaries also managed to secure low-priced flats in housing projects built for people displaced by the Dhaka Elevated Expressway project. The matter remained unknown until Prothom Alo published a report titled “Secretaries acquire flats on government land at low prices” on 14 June, written by Special Correspondent Anowar Hossain. Following that report, the government formed an inquiry committee and cancelled the allotments.

Over the years, both small and large Prothom Alo reports have changed lives and systems—sometimes angering the powerful. The newspaper has questioned authority, informed citizens about the pros and cons of government policies, and highlighted people’s struggles, as well as their victories and the nation’s progress.

The Irish writer Oscar Wilde once said something profound about statecraft and journalism. He wrote, “In America the President reigns for four years, and Journalism governs for ever and ever.”

This statement perfectly fits democratic societies, where the media is considered the fourth estate of the state. A free press never sleeps. During the previous government, Prothom Alo practiced independent journalism—so much so that it became an “enemy” in the eyes of the rulers. Under the interim government, too, it continues to question authority—through its reports, opinions, and editorials.

Many people write many things on social media these days. But the difference between journalism and “Facebooking or YouTubing” is that journalism requires proof. Whenever we have had evidence that an adviser and a secretary pushed major projects for their home districts, we published the story: ‘Anti-discrimination’ adviser Asif Bhuyain’s district bias, cabinet secretary follows suit.” (25 September, by Arifur Rahman).

When we found proof of fake names on the list of July martyrs, we published “Death from land dispute, accidents enlisted as July martyrs” (15 September, by Mahmudul Hasan). The report listed 52 names, now under government investigation. Following publication, Prothom Alo faced human chains and press conferences protesting the report.

Another report by Nazrul Islam, “Commissioner stays in Dhaka, roads closed for entry into Gazipur” (24 August), revealed that although law and order in Gazipur was deteriorating, the police commissioner lived in Dhaka. After the story, smear campaigns began against Prothom Alo—but the government later transferred the commissioner.

The 27 July report “BTCL’s 5-G project: Special assistant Faiz pushed procurement that Nahid had stopped” by Nurul Amin raised questions about irregularities in the state-run BTCL’s 5G project, echoing similar allegations from the Awami League era. The report sparked social media backlash. Faiz Ahmed Tayyeb, special assistant to the Chief Adviser on ICT affairs, organised a press conference on the issue. Still, the procurement process has not advanced since.

Two investigative reports published on 18 and 20 October exposed massive oil theft in three state-run companies—Padma, Meghna, and Jamuna Oil. Titled “'Oil theft,' Brazil Bari, and the owner’s lavish lifestyle” and “Oil theft starts from ships,” both written by Md Mahiuddin, they led to ACC raids and government investigations. Orders were issued to prevent further theft.

Similarly, following the 20 September report “Sundarbans: Surrendered bandits return to robbery, 14 groups, including ‘Dulabhai Bahini’ active” by Imtiaz Uddin, the Coast Guard intensified operations in the Sundarbans.

There are countless examples of small or large reports that have changed government policies, solved people’s problems, or transformed lives. Since its inception on 4 November, 1998, Prothom Alo has earned readers’ trust through such impactful journalism.

As Prothom Alo steps into its 28th year on 4 November, we reaffirm our commitment: good journalism and courageous journalism will continue.

* Head of Deep News, Prothom Alo.