Is the BNP becoming part of the government?

Whenever Md Bahrul Alam comes to Dhaka, he makes a point of visiting the home of his local Member of Parliament (MP). Whether he is in the capital for business, medical treatment or personal matters, meeting the MP is one of his priorities.

The chairman of Amanullahpur Union Parishad in Begumganj upazila of Noakhali, Bahrul Alam won the last election as an independent candidate with Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)’s support. He now wants to contest the upcoming local government elections as well. So, alongside preparing for the election, securing the support of the local MP has become a major part of his political activities.

Bahrul Alam told Prothom Alo candidly on Saturday night that he needs the support of Md Barkatullah Bulu, the MP for Noakhali-3, to contest the election. “That is why I meet him when he comes to the constituency, and I visit his home when I go to Dhaka,” he said.

Bahrul Alam is not alone. The current political activities of many BNP leaders at the district and upazila levels are similar. They are coming to Dhaka to meet MPs, ministers and central leaders, make their presence felt and try to secure the party’s support for the upcoming local government elections. Some are looking for business opportunities, visiting various ministries at the Secretariat or trying to become involved in government projects.

As a result, despite spending nearly 20 years out of power while remaining active in grassroots politics, a section of the party’s leaders and activists has become preoccupied with the centres of power within six months of the formation of the government. BNP therefore faces a major organisational question, will the party cooperate with the government, or will it gradually disappear into the government’s shadow?

After the government was formed under the leadership of Tarique Rahman on 17 February, the BNP faced two parallel responsibilities: running the state and keeping its long-standing organisational network active. Six months on, it appears that party politics has largely been overshadowed by the demands of governing.

Party leaders themselves acknowledge that the BNP’s political and organisational programmes have been limited during this period. Apart from programmes marking various occasions, the party has not been particularly visible on the ground; rather, opposition parties have tried to remain active both inside and outside the parliament.

There are some practical reasons behind this. A large proportion of the BNP’s key grassroots leaders are now members of parliament, while many are ministers. Party leaders are also serving as administrators of district councils, municipalities and city corporations. Many leaders of the BNP’s various affiliated and associate organisations, including Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal and Jatiyatabadi Jubo Dal, have been given responsibilities in different government institutions and agencies.

As a result, a large section of the party’s grassroots leadership is now engaged in government responsibilities. Those who have not received any positions, meanwhile, are focused largely on the next local government elections and various opportunities and benefits.

The government has said that city corporation and union parishad elections are expected to be held within this year. Potential candidates at the grassroots level have therefore already begun their activities. The bigger question now is not whether the elections will be contested using the party symbol, but who will receive the party’s support. In this situation, MPs and ministers have become the main centres of political patronage for a section of the grassroots party leadership.

BNP standing committee member and Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed told Prothom Alo, “When a party comes to power, it supports the government’s activities. That does not mean the party has become part of the government. However, it is true that after forming the government, we could not reorganise BNP and its affiliated organisations as quickly as we would have liked. We are now making plans to reorganise the affiliated organisations and hold the party’s national council.”

BNP’s Mymensingh divisional organising secretary Emran Saleh (Prince) does not deny the risk of the party becoming absorbed into the government. He told Prothom Alo, “Those who are party leaders are now MPs and ministers. Many others are also serving as administrators in local government. That is why it took some time to understand the workings of the government.”

“However, the BNP chairman and prime minister are very cautious about this. Wherever he goes, he says that the government needs the party’s support in its work, but the party must not be brought inside the government,” he added.

According to the government, the first six months were a period for restoring the functioning of the state machinery and preparing to implement its electoral pledges. After taking office, the government adopted a 180-day action plan. Several programmes included in the BNP’s election pledges have also been launched, including Family Cards, Farmers’ Cards, canal excavation and stipends for religious leaders.

In April, the government launched a pre-pilot Farmers’ Card programme, initially announcing plans to provide more than 22,000 farmers with Tk 2,500 each. In June, it inaugurated a programme to plant 250 million trees over five years.

According to high-level sources in the BNP, an elected government took office after a long period following the fall of the authoritarian regime in the mass uprising. The government’s immediate priorities were to restore normalcy in the administration, manage the economy, control the law-and-order situation and begin implementing its electoral pledges.

One notable positive aspect of the government’s first six months has been the relatively open political space. During the previous Awami League government, there were widespread allegations of repression against opposition parties and dissenting voices. The then government was also accused of shrinking the space for opposition politics through enforced disappearances, killings, attacks and cases.

During the current government’s first six months, there has been no similar pattern of political repression against opposition parties or dissenting voices. Opposition parties have criticised the government, the ruling party and its leaders, while openly expressing their political positions. There have also been no reports of repression on the scale seen previously when opposing government policies and decisions inside and outside parliament.

The media, too, has not faced the same level of pressure as before. Newspapers have published critical reports on government decisions and the activities of those in power. Civil society has also been able to express its views freely on various issues. From this perspective, there is a relative sense of relief in the media and civil society.

However, reform remains a major source of discomfort in any assessment of the government’s first six months. Following the mass uprising, state reform was one of the principal commitments made by political parties. The July National Charter had produced broad consensus on reforms to state institutions, the judiciary and electoral system, public administration, the police and the Anti-Corruption Commission.

The BNP had also spoken of the need for reform. Yet since taking office, the party has faced criticism from opposition groups and civil society over its position on which reforms it intends to implement quickly, which can be deferred and which require broader political consensus.

According to analysts, the question for the BNP is not only whether it can implement reforms, but also how far the government’s conduct reflects the desire for change that emerged from the mass uprising.

Electoral victory gave the BNP the legitimacy to form a government, while the aspirations generated by the uprising imposed a political responsibility on it. With a large parliamentary majority, the government also lacks no political strength to carry out reforms. As a result, questions are being raised about how high reform ranks among the government’s political priorities.

The government’s first six months have also seen controversy over appointments to a number of important positions. In particular, questions have been raised over appointments to the leadership of the Bangladesh Cricket Board, vice-chancellors of several public universities and administrators of city corporations. More recently, some critics have described the appointment of BNP and its affiliated organisations leaders to various institutions and agencies as a form of political “rehabilitation”.

Yet BNP’s election manifesto pledged to ensure merit-based appointments in public institutions. Questions have therefore arisen over how consistent these appointments are with that commitment.

The government may argue that it is not unusual for a political administration to place trusted individuals in key positions. The BNP’s challenge, however, is that it spent more than 15 years accusing the Awami League government of politicising state institutions. As a result, the public is now judging every appointment made by the BNP government through the lens of that experience.

In a recent interview with Prothom Alo, however, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, the BNP leader who recently stepped down as party secretary general, defended the appointments, saying, “Those who have been appointed are not unqualified. They possess all the necessary qualifications. … I am in the government—shouldn’t my people be there too?”

Economic pressures and the cost of living also pose major tests for the government. Alongside inflation, employment, investment, challenges in the banking sector and revenue collection, it must also deal with problems in electricity and energy supply. The worsening power and energy crisis has been driven in large part by the Iran–United States war and disruptions to energy supplies caused by instability in the Middle East.

Gas shortages and frequent power cuts are putting pressure on both industrial production and everyday life. A significant portion of the government’s election pledges relates to reducing living costs and improving economic security. Consequently, the electricity and gas crisis, along with market pressures, could have a direct impact on the government’s political popularity.

Following the decision to nominate Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir as the presidential candidate, the BNP has begun the process of reshuffling its organisational leadership and reallocating responsibilities in the government.

Four leaders, including Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, have already been inducted into the party’s highest policy-making body, the National Standing Committee. However, party sources said some party members are unhappy with some of the new inclusions.

Since the formation of the government, BNP’s National Executive Committee has not held a formal meeting. During this period, the standing committee has met four times. At its latest meeting, the responsibility for nominating the party’s presidential candidate was entrusted to party chairman Tarique Rahman.

However, as the government approaches its six-month mark, efforts are under way to reactivate the party. According to party sources, preparations have begun to reorganise the leadership of its affiliated organisations, including Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, Swechchhasebak Dal, Krishak Dal and Sramik Dal.

Since 4 July, BNP chairman Tarique Rahman has been holding a series of organisational meetings with leaders from Dhaka district and various regions, including Chattogram, Rajshahi and Rangpur, at the party chairperson’s political office in Gulshan. At these meetings, leaders have been instructed to strengthen the party at the grassroots and work together in the upcoming local government elections.

Many BNP leaders view this as an important political message. They believe the party’s top leadership has also realised that the organisation has become somewhat stagnant since coming to power.

Party sources believe, the BNP needs to make itself politically attractive to grassroots leaders again. Beyond visits to MPs’ and ministers’ homes and the competition for government posts or support in local elections, the grassroots organisation must be brought back to politics centred on political programmes, public engagement and organisational activities.

BNP’s Chattogram divisional organising secretary and administrator of Chattogram District Council Mahbuber Rahman Shamim told Prothom Alo, “It is not that BNP is not in the field. When the prime minister came to Chattogram, party leaders and activists were present in large numbers. As far as I know, the BNP’s political activities will begin very soon. The party’s expired committees, including those of its affiliated organisations, will also be reconstituted.”

The BNP government has launched some programmes included in its election pledges and is trying to establish its own rhythm in running the state. The relatively open environment for political freedom among opposition parties and dissenting voices, as well as for the media and civil society, has been a positive aspect of its first six months.

At the same time, questions over reforms and appointments, economic pressure, the electricity and energy crisis, as well as the party’s organisational stagnation have emerged as major challenges.

During the four-party alliance government led by Khaleda Zia in 2001, electricity shortages, the law-and-order situation and extremist activities were major challenges. Some of these issues have also become visible during the first six months of the government led by Tarique Rahman.

Ultimately, BNP will have to bear responsibility for the government’s successes and failures, while every decision taken by the party will also affect the government. Therefore, keeping the party active on the ground, rather than allowing its leaders and activists to remain preoccupied with the centres of power, is now one of the BNP’s biggest political tests.